In the 1940s, 50s and 60s the two youth movements of the beats and the hippies emerged in the United States. Disagreeing with the progressive positivism of the previous generations these youths were part of a counter culture that adhered to an ideal of living in the present. Alan Wilson Watts (1915–1973), most known for his popularization of eastern philosophy and religion in general and Zen-Buddhism in particular, became one of the most influential and well-read advocates of the new movements. Drawing upon eastern philosophy and religion as well as modern psychology, Watts challenged the western world view by rejecting the dualism of self and environment, arguing that man is one with God and nature and claiming that nothing exists but the present experience here and now. Based on Watts’ view of man and reality, and in the context of the emerging youth movements, this study examines Watts’ criticism of western culture and society as well as his view on happiness and the possibility of a better life for the individual living in the west. The study shows that, according to Watts, the root of the problem facing western society lies in man’s incapability of distinguishing concept from reality, preferring abstract ideas and symbols to the experience present in everyday life. As a result, man perceives himself as separate from nature, waging war on his environment in a futile attempt at finding happiness by constantly striving for ever greater achievements of which the main goal always seems to lie somewhere in the future but never in the present. His ideas inspired the youth movements, although they moved in a different direction than the one he would have wanted. Watts, suggesting that an altered understanding of oneself as one with the universe is central in maintaining a thriving society in union with nature, claims that the essence of happiness consists of this understanding here in the present rather than the pursuit and obtaining of a desired goal.

This dissertation examines the constructions of gender and national identity in four of Alan Warner's novels: Morvern Callar, These Demented Lands, The Sopranos, and The Man Who Walks. I argue that Warner uses gender identity as the basis for the examination of a Scottish national identity. He uses the metaphor of the body to represent Scotland in devolution. His pregnant females are representative of "Scotland Expecting," a notion that suggests Scotland is expecting independence from England. I argue that this expectation also involves the search for a genuine Scottish identity that is not marred by the effects of colonization. Warner's male characters are emasculated and represent Scotland's mythological past. The Man Who Walks suggests that his female characters' pregnancies result in stillbirths. These stillbirths represent Scotland's inability to let go of the past in order to move towards a future independent nation.

Hotet mot den biologiska mångfalden ökar i takt med urbaniseringen. En konsekvens av livet i staden är de ljusföroreningar som artificiellt ljus på natten (ALAN) ger upphov till. För att mitigera ljusföroreningarnas negativa effekter på människan och biologisk mångfald kan mörker användas som resurs i samhällsplanering. Denna studie syftar till att utforska vad svenska kommuner ser för möjligheter och hinder med att integrera mörka områden i samhällsplaneringen för att bevara biologisk mångfald. Vidare syftar studien till att utforska vilka åtgärder som behövs för att överkomma identifierade hinder. Genom en kombination av semistrukturerade intervjuer med personer som arbetar med ljussättning i fem svenska kommuner och innehållsanalys av de valda kommunernas belysningsprogram  identifierar studien faktorer som påverkar arbetet med mörka områden. Frågan är komplex då många aspekter ständigt måste vägas mot varandra när belsut om belysning tas. Studien fann att medborgarnas efterfrågan av belysning ur ett trygghetsperspektiv i kombination med bristande kunskap kan stå i vägen för arbetet med mörka områden. Utbildning för medborgare och anställda, samarbete inom och mellan myndigheter och kommuner, samt nationella riktlinjer är åtgärder som möjliggör arbete med mörker. Dessa åtgärder är beroende av vidare forskning inom området, från ett holistiskt perspektiv. Studien bidrar med insikter som kan vägleda framtida samhällsplanering och belysningsstrategier för att främja en balans mellan människans behov av ljus och bevarandet av biologisk mångfald. / The threat to biological diversity keeps increasing with urbanization. One consequence of life in the city is the light pollution caused by artificial light at night (ALAN). To mitigate the negative effects of light pollution on humans and biodiversity, darkness can be used as a resource in urban planning. This study aims to explore what Swedish municipalities see as opportunities and obstacles in integrating dark areas into urban planning to preserve biodiversity. Furthermore, the study aims to explore what measures are needed to overcome identified obstacles. Through a combination of semi-structured interviews with people who work with lighting in five Swedish municipalities and content analysis of the selected municipalities' lighting programs, the study identifies factors that influence the work with dark areas. The issue is complex as many aspects must constantly be weighed against each other when making decisions about lighting. The study found that citizens' demand for lighting from a safety point of view combined with a lack of knowledge can stand in the way of implementing dark areas. Education for citizens and employees, cooperation within and between authorities and municipalities, as well as national guidelines are measures that enable working with darkness. These measures are dependent on further research in the field, from a holistic perspective. The study contributes insights that can guide future urban planning and lighting strategies to promote a balance between human needs for light and conserving biodiversity.

Alan Garcia, l’actuel président du Pérou, est un des politiciens les plus controversés dans l’histoire péruvienne. Le succès de sa carrière comme candidat est fort opposé aux résultats catastrophiques de sa première gestion présidentielle. Dans la culture populaire, les compétences discursives de Garcia, ainsi que le contraste entre son succès et ses pauvres performances en tant que président, l’ont élevé au rang de mythe. Ce travail de recherche présente une analyse pragmatique linguistique des stratégies discursives utilisées par le président Garcia dans son deuxième mandat (2001-2006). L’analyse sera centrée sur le rapport établi par Steven Pinker (2007) entre politesse positive et solidarité communale. Les travaux de Brown et Levinson (1978, 1987) et d’Alan Fiske (1991) sont notre base théorique. L’exclusion sociale d’une partie de la population électorale péruvienne, selon le point de vue de Vergara (2007), est l’élément clé pour mieux comprendre le succès de la stratégie discursive de Garcia. Vegara présente une analyse diachronique multi-variable de la situation politique péruvienne pour expliquer la rationalité de la population électorale péruvienne. À partir de cet encadrement théorique, nous procéderons à l’analyse lexicométrique qui nous permettra d’identifier les stratégies discursives utilisées dans le corpus des discours de Garcia qui a été choisi pour l’analyse. D’après le schéma de Pinker, les données obtenues seront classifiées selon la définition de politesse positive de Brown et Levinson. Finalement, nous évaluerons le rapport entre les résultats classifiés et le modèle de solidarité communale de Fiske. L’objectif est de démontrer que le style discursif de Garcia est structuré à partir d’une rationalité dont l’objet est de fermer la brèche sociale entre le politicien et l’électorat. / Peruvian President Alan Garcia is one of the most controversial politicians in Peruvian history. His successful career as a presidential candidate is opposed to the catastrophic results of his first presidential government. Garcia’s discursive skills and the high contrast between his political success and his poor performance as a president have become a myth in Peruvian popular culture.. In this work we will present a pragmatic-linguistic analysis of the discursive strategies used by Garcia in his second administration (2006-2011). The analysis will be focused on the relationship established by Steven Pinker (2007) between Positive Politeness and Communal Sharing. The works of Brown and Levinson (1978, 1987) and Alan Fiske (1991) will be our theoretical groundwork. Social exclusion in Peruvian electoral population, as explained by Vergara (2007), is the key factor to understand the success of Garcia’s discursive strategy. In his work, Vergara presents a diachronic multi-variable analysis of the Peruvian political situation that explains the rationality behind Peruvian elector’s decisions. Once established the referential political framework, we will proceed with the lexicometric analysis that will help us to identify the discursive strategies used in a previously selected sample of Garcia’s public discourses. In order to match Pinker’s scheme, we will classify these findings according to the positive politeness categorization of Brown and Levinson. Finally, we will associate these results to the Communal Sharing model of social relationship, as defined by Fiske. Our goal is to demonstrate that Garcia’s discursive style is rationally structured to reduce the social gap between the Politician and the Elector.

Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-04-10T19:18:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 lucasfazolamiguel.pdf: 7948999 bytes, checksum: d1fa53335cfcae9999e759982d1faf59 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-04-11T15:07:54Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 lucasfazolamiguel.pdf: 7948999 bytes, checksum: d1fa53335cfcae9999e759982d1faf59 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-11T15:07:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 lucasfazolamiguel.pdf: 7948999 bytes, checksum: d1fa53335cfcae9999e759982d1faf59 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-27 / Essa pesquisa propõe o estudo da história em quadrinhos V de Vingança, de autoria dos britânicos Alan Moore e David Lloyd, a partir da análise estrutural da linguagem do meio, bem como do cenário teórico no qual a obra se insere, para identificarmos o diálogo existente entre os quadrinhos e a literatura. Lançaremos o olhar para uma investigação do meio a partir de sua composição estrutural inerentemente híbrida, tendo como apoio teórico as proposições de Thierry Groensteen (2015) e Scott McCloud (2005), bem como realizaremos um apanhado histórico das histórias em quadrinhos, com o suporte de García (2012) e Campos (2015). Pretendemos observar, a partir de Linda Hutcheon (1991), Lyotard (2009) e Compagnon (1999), os pressupostos que compõem o cenário teórico pós-moderno com o qual V de Vingança dialoga, ressaltando sua narrativa intertextual e fragmentária, de modo a destacar a aproximação entre a obra de Moore e Lloyd com o romance pós-moderno V. (1988), de Thomas Pynchon. Ao realizarmos uma leitura analítica da história em quadrinhos, verificaremos o diálogo da mesma com as distopias modernas, como 1984 (2009) de George Orwell, sob o aporte teórico de Jacoby (2007), Kopp (2011) e Hilario (2013), de modo a evidenciarmos como o contato com a literatura corroborou para o amadurecimento do meio proporcionando novas possibilidades narrativas para os quadrinhos. / This research proposes the study of the comic book V for Vendetta, written by the british Alan Moore and David Lloyd, from the structural analysis of the comic books language, as well as the analysis of the theoretical scenario in which the work is inserted, in order to identify the existence of a dialogue between comics and literature. The focus of this work is on the inherently hybrid structural creation of this language. The theoretical support are the proposals of Thierry Groensteen (2015) and Scott McCloud (2005). Furthermore we will make a historical catch of the comic books, with the support of García (2012) and Campos (2015). We intend to observe, from Linda Hutcheon (1991), Lyotard (2009) and Compagnon (1999), the assumptions that compose the postmodern theoretical scenario with which V for Vendetta dialogues, emphasizing its intertextual and fragmentary narrative, in order to highlight the approximation between the work of Moore and Lloyd with Thomas Pynchon's postmodern novel V. (1988). This analytical reading of comics will enable us to verify the dialogue of the comic books with the modern dystopias, such as 1984 (2009) by George Orwell, with the theoretical contribution of Jacoby (2007), Kopp (2011) and Hilario (2013), in order to show how the contact with a literature corroborated the ripening of the medium, providing new narrative possibilities for comics.

Alan Garcia, l’actuel président du Pérou, est un des politiciens les plus controversés dans l’histoire péruvienne. Le succès de sa carrière comme candidat est fort opposé aux résultats catastrophiques de sa première gestion présidentielle. Dans la culture populaire, les compétences discursives de Garcia, ainsi que le contraste entre son succès et ses pauvres performances en tant que président, l’ont élevé au rang de mythe. Ce travail de recherche présente une analyse pragmatique linguistique des stratégies discursives utilisées par le président Garcia dans son deuxième mandat (2001-2006). L’analyse sera centrée sur le rapport établi par Steven Pinker (2007) entre politesse positive et solidarité communale. Les travaux de Brown et Levinson (1978, 1987) et d’Alan Fiske (1991) sont notre base théorique. L’exclusion sociale d’une partie de la population électorale péruvienne, selon le point de vue de Vergara (2007), est l’élément clé pour mieux comprendre le succès de la stratégie discursive de Garcia. Vegara présente une analyse diachronique multi-variable de la situation politique péruvienne pour expliquer la rationalité de la population électorale péruvienne. À partir de cet encadrement théorique, nous procéderons à l’analyse lexicométrique qui nous permettra d’identifier les stratégies discursives utilisées dans le corpus des discours de Garcia qui a été choisi pour l’analyse. D’après le schéma de Pinker, les données obtenues seront classifiées selon la définition de politesse positive de Brown et Levinson. Finalement, nous évaluerons le rapport entre les résultats classifiés et le modèle de solidarité communale de Fiske. L’objectif est de démontrer que le style discursif de Garcia est structuré à partir d’une rationalité dont l’objet est de fermer la brèche sociale entre le politicien et l’électorat. / Peruvian President Alan Garcia is one of the most controversial politicians in Peruvian history. His successful career as a presidential candidate is opposed to the catastrophic results of his first presidential government. Garcia’s discursive skills and the high contrast between his political success and his poor performance as a president have become a myth in Peruvian popular culture.. In this work we will present a pragmatic-linguistic analysis of the discursive strategies used by Garcia in his second administration (2006-2011). The analysis will be focused on the relationship established by Steven Pinker (2007) between Positive Politeness and Communal Sharing. The works of Brown and Levinson (1978, 1987) and Alan Fiske (1991) will be our theoretical groundwork. Social exclusion in Peruvian electoral population, as explained by Vergara (2007), is the key factor to understand the success of Garcia’s discursive strategy. In his work, Vergara presents a diachronic multi-variable analysis of the Peruvian political situation that explains the rationality behind Peruvian elector’s decisions. Once established the referential political framework, we will proceed with the lexicometric analysis that will help us to identify the discursive strategies used in a previously selected sample of Garcia’s public discourses. In order to match Pinker’s scheme, we will classify these findings according to the positive politeness categorization of Brown and Levinson. Finally, we will associate these results to the Communal Sharing model of social relationship, as defined by Fiske. Our goal is to demonstrate that Garcia’s discursive style is rationally structured to reduce the social gap between the Politician and the Elector.

LD2668 .T4 1966 C6 / Master of Science

Autographs 1928: Four Songs for Soprano and Chamber Ensemble is a composition of approximately 16 minutes' duration and is scored for mezzo-soprano, flute, oboe, clarinet, horn in F, viola, violoncello, one keyboardist (piano and celesta), and two percussionists (marimba, xylophone, chimes, timpani, bass drum, temple blocks, triangle, and slapstick). The work consists of four songs and four readings with texts from Walls's maternal grandmother's autograph book. The composition opens with a reading and alternates between readings and songs. The music is intended to reflect the playful, tender and humorous nature of the lyrics.

My thesis covers the details of the development of play Carry Me! and the opportunity I had to explore Anne Bogart's Viewpoints as an approach to devising theatre. I express the challenges, the choices, the process and the presentation of my experience in the project. The subject matter of the script is based on a professional production that failed on Broadway in February of 1968. Carry Me Back to Morningside Heights by Robert Alan Aurthur was Sidney Poitier's directorial debut and starred Louis Gossett, Jr. and Cicely Tyson. The basic plot is a satire about race and role reversal but the overall message to the audience is to promote a better societal understanding of civil rights and cultural differences. My thesis script began with borrowing the premise of the original script but my desire was to make my own artistic choices in developing a new script about race and culture. Through Anne Bogart's Viewpoints process, thirty-seven years of historical distance from the Civil Rights Movement, a clearer understanding of American race relationships and my interest in the style of satire, I wrote and directed Carry Me! as my thesis project.

This thesis studies contemporary Scottish fiction by four writers Agnes Owens, James Kelman, Irvine Welsh, and Alan Warner, focusing on the problematic position of women characters and feminocentric texts within the dominant class and national(ist) discourses. It argues that the intimate interconstitution between Scottish masculine subjects and class/national politics alienates women from an active political subjectivisation, that the gender matrix of femininity/masculinity underlies the normative selection of which gendered subjects, and accordingly whose symbolic 'voice', can be perceived as 'historical' and 'political'. Scottish working-class men and the texts in which they are the central characters have been considered paradoxically as both a literary reflection of 'political defeatism', but also a form of 'subaltern' counter-politics to British neoliberalism and imperialism. This thesis points out that the common parameters of the debate on the possible (dis)continuation of both class and national(ist) discourses are masculinist, and as such women tend to be perceived as 'non-political' in this (re)politicisation of aesthetics. More fundamentally, these discourses are problematic for women's politicisation because they follow the rule of modern politics which assigns politicality on a fraternal basis, that political struggles are between men of different classes, nationalities and so on. The research interrogates this masculine-centrism in the dominant representational praxis which provides the discursive link between literature, politics, and history which (dis)places feminine subjects into a 'dehistoricised', 'depoliticised' space. It seeks to renegotiate the fraternal terms of this practice and to read feminine subjects and women-centred narratives as capable of conceptually illustrating emancipatory politics.