Esta tese tem como objetivo central analisar, através das folhas operárias que circularam no Amazonas na Primeira República, como os seus militantes estabeleceram contatos, conexões e interações e, no seio dos circuitos desenhados, elaboraram e fizeram circular projetos de identidade operária que, de forma imbricada, tinham como finalidade a criação de espaços políticos legítimos de mudança social. Para isso, utilizou-se a imprensa operária como tema e objeto central de análise e reflexão histórica, abordando-a numa perspectiva que a toma como objeto e fonte de estudo concomitantemente. Desse modo, num primeiro momento, procurou-se identificar os militantes que estavam por trás dos jornais voltados aos trabalhadores para, em seguida, entender como eles costuraram relações com lideranças de outros estados e até de outros países. Nesse intento, a análise de redes sociais foi importante, pois possibilitou a visualização dos contatos, das conexões e das interações da militância operária, contribuindo, assim, para a compreensão da movimentação de ideias sociais e políticas que dinamizaram o movimento operário local Em seguida, certificou-se que, nas redes visualizadas, a fração organizada dos operários elaborou (e fez circular nelas) projetos de identidade operária que caminharam em duas direções: a primeira, de unidade do operariado em geral, vislumbrava o reconhecimento e a distinção em relação a outros setores sociais (sobretudo o patronato e as “classes perigosas”) e tinha como pilar a posição de que o trabalhador era o elemento propulsor da sociedade, criador da riqueza e do “progresso” de um país; o segundo, de diferenças e distinções internas (entre os trabalhadores), evidenciava a diversidade existente no mundo do trabalho. Para perceber esse processo foi utilizado o conceito de projeto e de identidade. Por fim, verificou-se que essas conexões e interações estabelecidas pelas lideranças e a construção de projetos de identidade direcionados aos operários surgiram no sentido de promover a constituição de espaços políticos que concorressem para mudanças sociais. Neste caso, utilizou-se a categoria de esfera pública na perspectiva habermasiana. Confirmou-se que as lideranças operárias intentavam constituir uma esfera pública, visando atingir os espaços deliberativos, de decisão política. / This thesis aims to analyze, through the workers' works that circulated in Amazonas in the First Republic, how its militants established contacts, connections and interactions and, within the circuits drawn, elaborated and circulated projects of worker identity that, in a way imbricated, aimed at creating legitimate political spaces for social change. For this, the working press was used as the central theme and object of analysis and historical reflection, approaching it in a perspective that takes it as object and source of study concomitantly. Thus, at first, we sought to identify the militants behind the workers' newspapers and then to understand how they sewed relations with leaders from other states and even from other countries. In this attempt, the analysis of social networks was important because it made possible the visualization of the contacts, connections and interactions of workers 'militancy, thus contributing to the understanding of the movement of social and political ideas that stimulated the local workers' movement Next, it was verified that in the networks seen, the organized fraction of the workers elaborated (and circulated in them) projects of workers' identity that walked in two directions: the first one, of unit of the working class in general, glimpsed the recognition and distinction in relation to other social sectors (especially the patronage and the "dangerous classes") and had as a pillar the position that the worker was the driving force of the society, creator of the wealth and "progress" of a country; the second, of internal differences and distinctions (among workers), showed the diversity in the world of work. To understand this process was used the concept of design and identity. Finally, it was verified that these connections and interactions established by the leaderships and the construction of projects of identity directed to the workers suggest in the sense of promoting the constitution of political spaces that concur for social changes. In this case, the category of public sphere in Habermasian perspective was used. It was confirmed that the workers' leaders tried to constitute a public sphere, aiming to reach the deliberative spaces, of political decision.

Silenced for almost half a century, testimonies of those who lost the Spanish Civil War are now surfacing and being published. The origin of this dissertation was the chance discovery that Martín Herrera de Mendoza, a Spanish Civil War exile living in the United States, was truly a Catalonian anarchist named Antonio Vidal Arabí. This double identity was a cover for the political activist dedicated to the fight for change in the anarchist workers’ union CNT (National Confederation of Workers) and the FAI (Federation of Iberian Anarchists). He founded the FAI chapter in Santa Cruz de Tenerife and planned a failed assassination attempt on General Franco’s life in an effort to avoid the military takeover in 1936. This dissertation is the reconstruction of Antonio Vidal Arabí’s life narrative. It is based on the texts written during his seventeen-month stay as a refugee in Great Britain. Copies of his writings were left in a suitcase with a fellow anarchist who he instructed to have sent to his family upon his death. In 1989, “The English Suitcase” was delivered to his children in Barcelona. Based on his own account, this study follows his service as an intelligence agent for the Spanish Republic during the War. When it was over, he attempted to evacuate his family from France, to save them from the threat of the Nazi invasion and reunite with them in England or America. The analysis of the letters he wrote to his wife and children in France documents how he hid from Franco’s spies using his dual identity. In his letters, always signed as Martín Herrera de Mendoza, he invents a persona in order to help his family. The present study narrates his transformation into the persona he created and the events that brought about his translation into his “other.” Antonio Vidal Arabí’s bilinguism and biculturality is underlined as the main factors in his change into Martín Herrera de Mendoza. His was a voyage into exile documented by his own words; a story of survival and reinvention. / Includes bibliography. / Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2017. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Orientador: Michael McDonald Hall / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T19:26:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_RodrigoRosada_M.pdf: 2447945 bytes, checksum: b399743e3d50183d6064b0dff535de86 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Fruto de pesquisa junto aos acervos do Departamento Estadual de Ordem Política e Social de São Paulo (DEOPS) e aos jornais anarquistas compilados por militantes e depositados no Arquivo Edgard Leuenroth na UNICAMP, esse trabalho demonstra, para além da sobrevivência do anarquismo nos anos 1930, suas atividades relacionadas à prática sindical, política e cultural. Tendo os periódicos libertários e os prontuários da polícia política como fontes privilegiadas, aponta, por um lado, a vigilância e repressão exercida contra a imprensa anarquista, e por outro a resistência às arbitrariedades policiais em voga durante a ditadura de Getúlio Vargas. Durante a pesquisa ficou evidente a intensa agitação anarquista dos primeiros anos pós-golpe de 1930, passando pelas ondas repressivas de 1935 a 1937, chegando até meados da década de 1940. As ações de apoio aos prisioneiros levadas a cabo pelo Comitê Pró Presos Sociais colocava em prática a solidariedade tão cara aos anarquistas. Discute-se o conceito de crime político e de crime de Estado, para melhor compreender as práticas ilegais vigentes na época / Abstract: As a result of researches through the DEOPS (State Department of Political and Social Order) and the anarchist newspapers compiled by militants and deposited in Edgard Leuenroth¿s Archive (AEL) in the UNICAMP, this work demonstrate, beyond the survive of the anarchism in the 1930¿s, its activities related to trade-union, political and cultural practices. Taking libertarians periodics and political police documents as selected source, points the surveilance and the repression against the anarchist press, and on the other hand the resistance to police arbitrariness of the Getúlio Vargas dictatorship. During the research appears the intense anarchist agitation on the first years after the 1930¿s coup d¿etat, pasing throgh the repressives waves of 1935 and 1937, going to middle 1940¿s. Support actions to the prisoners taken by the Pro Social Prisoners Committee put in practice the anarchist solidarity. Discussing the concept of political crime and the state crime, try to understand the ilegal actions in existence on that period / Mestrado / Historia Social do Trabalho / Mestre em História

The thesis Political Programmes of the Czech Representation in the Second Halve of the 19th Century focuses on both programme documents and actual work of Czech political parties, whether more or less institutionalized, between the years 1848 (March Revolution) and 1918 (the downfall of Austria-Hungary). At first it summarizes the historical development in the respective period (Chapter 1), next, it analyses programmes of political parties in three broadly defined topics: 1) Organisation of the empire, question of the Czech State Right (Chapter 2); 2) Constitutionalism, civil rights and role of a citizen (Chapter 3) and 3) National matters (Chapter 4). The attitudes about each of these areas of the following political parties are defined: Bohemian nobility, National Party (till 1874) or Old Czechs (since then), Young Czechs, Social Democrats, Agrarians, Catholic parties, National Socialists, Progress parties and parties of the Radical State Right, Realists and Anarchists. For the conclusion, the author of the thesis attempts to characterise and evaluating the Czech political representation, as well as its importance for the development since 1918.