This thesis is inspired by the historical principles of RG Collingwood, an historiographer whose precepts are recurrently cited herein. It is the life and times style biography of Francesco Giovanni Fantin, born San Vito de Leguzzano in the Schio district of the Province of Vicenza in the Veneto region of Italy 20 January 1901, died Loveday Internment Camp Compound 14A, South Australia 16 November 1942. SA police at the time found that Fantin was assassinated by fascist conspirators who contrived to intimidate witnesses and interfere with material evidence, (findings here confirmed) frustrating the laying of a charge of murder and leading in March 1943 to the sentencing of Giovanni Casotti to two years hard labour for manslaughter in the Supreme Court of South Australia. (Casotti was subsequently deported.) This thesis begins with the reconstruction of Fantin’s origins in one of the rural crucibles of Italian capitalism and industrialism. The presence of anarchist traditions in the Province and in Fantin’s immediate circle in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is documented. The history of the Great War, the Red Biennium and the Rise of Fascism in the Schio district is then reconstructed in connection with Fantin’s formative years, with particular reference to the role of the textile strike of 1921 as the precursor to the political and mass emigration from the district to Australia of which Fantin was a humble protagonist. Fantin’s years as an antifascist activist in exile in Australia are then rehearsed as an essential prerequisite for understanding why he was selected for assassination. The thesis closes with a detailed reconstruction of how his death was encompassed and its political implications managed by Dr HV Evatt. An Iconographic Appendix and Bibliography follow. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1331596 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Economics, 2008

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / Esta tese tem por objetivo investigar a presenÃa do anarquismo - seu ideÃrio e prÃticas - no Brasil, no perÃodo compreendido entre a queda do Estado Novo, em 1945 e a decretaÃÃo do Ato Institucional n 5, em 1968. A partir de um estudo sobre os impressos libertÃrios, sobretudo jornais e livros, procuramos dimensionar seu papel enquanto estratÃgias de educaÃÃo e autoformaÃÃo entrelaÃados ao projeto mais amplo de difusÃo da cultura libertÃria. Assim, o estudo insere-se no campo da histÃria do livro, dos impressos e da leitura, donde a influÃncia central das anÃlises sobre as variadas prÃticas de leitura e sua circulaÃÃo, enfocando a experiÃncia do movimento anarquista no Brasil e pondo em discussÃo as peculiaridades de sua reorganizaÃÃo apÃs um perÃodo de exceÃÃo, bem como a tentativa de inserÃÃo pÃblica num momento de reconquista de liberdades polÃticas formais. / The thesis aims to investigate the presence of anarchism - its ideas and practices - in Brazil, between the end of the Estado Novo in 1945 and the enactment of the Institutional Act No. 5, in 1968. From a study of libertarians printed, especially press and books, we seek to scale their role as learning strategies and self-education interwoven into the broader project of disseminating libertarian culture. So the study falls within the field of book history, the printing and reading, where the central influence of analysis on the varied reading practices and their circulation, focusing on the experience of the anarchist movement in Brazil and discussing peculiarities of its reorganization after an dictatorship period as well as the attempting to public insertion in a moment of regaining formal political freedoms.

L’anarchisme vit un renouveau un peu partout sur le globe depuis les années 1990 et la montée du mouvement contre la mondialisation. Cependant pour les chercheurs contemporains, le lien est bien mince entre l’anarchisme du 21e siècle et le mouvement anarchiste du début du 20e siècle. Selon ces chercheurs, l’anarchisme contemporain serait davantage caractérisé par la nature expérimentale de ses stratégies et par son focus sur le moment présent. L’objectif de ce mémoire est de démontrer qu’il est possible de tracer des liens clairs entre les auteurs anarchistes classiques et l’anarchisme contemporain. En effet, certains auteurs classiques de ce courant vivent leur anarchisme dans le moment présent contrairement à ce que laissent entendre implicitement les chercheurs qui se sont penchés sur l’anarchisme contemporain. Nous analysons les cas d’auteurs anarchistes de la première moitié du 20e siècle comme Alexander Berkman, Emma Goldman, Joseph J. Cohen, Albert Libertad, Émile Armand et Rirette Maîtrejean. Une analyse de la colonie libertaire d’Aiglemont complète le tableau. Notre approche centrée sur l’étude des pratiques militantes repose sur trois conceptions idéal-typiques. Nous considérons trois types de pratiques anarchistes : l’action anarchiste de type insurrectionnel, de type syndicaliste et de type éducationnisteréalisateur. Nous concluons que les pratiques du mouvement anarchiste contemporain s’apparentent aux pratiques de certains anarchistes classiques, c’est-à-dire les pratiques de type éducationniste-réalisateur. / Anarchism has seen a revival across the globe since the 1990s and the rise of the movement against globalization. However for contemporary researchers, the link is thin between the current anarchist movement and the anarchist movement of the early 20th century. According to these researchers, contemporary anarchism is more characterized by the experimental nature of its strategies and its focus on the present tense. The objective of this paper is to demonstrate that it is possible to draw parallels between some of the classical anarchists writers and contemporary anarchism. Indeed, some anarchists of the early 20th century lived their anarchism from day to day contrary to what suggest implicitly some researchers who have studied contemporary anarchism. We analyze the cases of anarchists writers of the early 20th century such as Alexander Berkman, Emma Goldman, Joseph J. Cohen, Albert Libertad, Emile Armand and Rirette Maîtrejean. An analysis of the Aiglemont libertarian colony completes the picture. Our approach focus on the study of activists practices based on three ideals types designs. We consider three types of anarchists practices: insurrectionary anarchist action type, union type and the experimental-educationist type. We conclude that the practices of the contemporary anarchist movement are similar in some ways to the practices of at least a few classical anarchists, that is to say, the experimental-educationist type of anarchists practices.

The Firebrand was an anarchist communist newspaper that was printed in Portland, Oregon from January 1895 to September 1897. The newspaper was a central catalyst behind the formation of the culturally American anarchist movement, a movement whose vital role in shaping radicalism in the United States during the Progressive Era has largely been ignored by historians. The central argument of this thesis is that the Firebrand publishers' experiences in Gilded Age Portland shaped the content and the format of the newspaper and led to the development of a new, uniquely American expression of anarchism. Anarchism was developed in response to the great transformations of the nineteenth century and the anxieties of a society that was being entirely restructured as industrialization and urbanization took hold across the globe. The anarchism of the Firebrand was a regional response to these same changes, an expression of radical discontent at the way in which life in Portland and the Pacific Northwest was rapidly changing. According to the Firebranders, the region had transformed from a place of economic opportunity and political freedom into a region driven by economic and political exploitation. Thus, the newspaper developed a uniquely western American perspective and expressed a formation of anarchist communism that was steeped in the history and culture of the United States. The newspaper was just as influenced by centuries of American libertarian activism as it was by outright anarchist philosophy. As a result, the newspaper frequently included articles about free love and women's rights, issues outside of the typical purview of anarchist communist political philosophy. This Americanized expression of anarchist communism allowed the newspaper to expand beyond the movement's core urban, immigrant audience and attract culturally American, English-speaking radicals to the cause. In the Fall of 1897, after two years and eight months in publication, three of the Firebrand publishers were arrested for the crime of sending obscene materials through the mail. The Firebrand's frank discussions of sexuality, women's rights, and free love offended the local censor and gave law enforcement an excuse to prosecute Portland's anarchists. The ensuing trial would result in the newspaper's closure. Nonetheless, a new intellectual movement had been established, and though the movement would remain small, it would play a disproportionately large role in shaping radical American politics and culture for the next two decades.

Orientador: Michael McDonald Hall / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T00:37:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leal_ClaudiaFeierabendBaeta_D.pdf: 2378045 bytes, checksum: b74ec906b4f88dc81ab90f13e61fdf96 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Esta tese trata da presença, atividades e repressão dos militantes anarquistas residentes ou atuantes em São Paulo nos anos 1890. Nesse sentido, o objetivo do trabalho é analisar sua atuação nesse período através de seus jornais, publicações, manifestações públicas e em sua interação com outros agentes sociais, fossem eles outros trabalhadores, policiais ou autoridades diplomáticas e oficiais. A tese tenciona também acompanhar a construção da idéia de anarquismo no ambiente policial paulista, o que ajuda a entender as formas de tratamento delegadas aos militantes que desenvolveram atividades libertárias em São Paulo desde os primeiros anos da década de 1890, ajudando também a entender o tipo de suspeição a que os imigrantes eram submetidos e sua experiência de trabalhador estrangeiro e estigmatizado como subversivo / Abstract: This thesis focuses on the presence of anarchist militants in São Paulo city in the 1890¿s, the activities they carried out and the repression they were submitted to. Thus, it aims at analyzing their action through the papers and works they published, the public meetings they held, as well as in their interaction with other social agents, such as workers, police officers, diplomatic and governmental authorities. This study also intends to follow the construction of the image of the anarchist within the police milieu, which may help to understand both the treatment to which those militants were subjected to since the early years of the 1890¿s, and also the suspicion that fell upon the immigrants, workers who were seen and stigmatized as subversives / Doutorado / Historia Social / Doutor em História

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De nombreux travaux tendent à prouver que les départements situés au coeur de la Gascogne (c’est-à-dire ceux du Gers, des Landes et du Lot-et-Garonne) n’ont pas à subir de fortes résistances contre la République entre 1870 et 1914. Un rapide examen du tableau politique de ces trois départements montre en effet que les électeurs adhèrent progressivement aux idées républicaines – bien que le rythme soit différent d’une zone à l’autre –, mais doit-on se satisfaire de généralités ? Une étude plus spécifique, confrontant les sources nationales aux sources régionales et utilisant des sources de diverses natures confirmera-t-elle ou, au contraire, nuancera-t-elle, voire infirmera-t-elle, ce schéma d’une Gascogne précocement républicaine et peu encline aux résistances venues tant des conservateurs que de l’extrême gauche ?La première partie, portant sur un état des lieux dans les années 1870, permet de montrer que les conservateurs, bien que divisés, sont encore puissants. Sont ainsi présentées les cultures politiques antirépublicaines en expliquant quels sont leurs moyens de lutte tels que la presse et les réseaux de sociabilité (cercles et sociétés). L’univers agricole est l’un des terrains de prédilection des droites, en particulier de la culture traditionaliste. Mais cette influence se traduit-elle lors des temps électoraux ? À partir de la décennie 1880, et c’est l’objet de la deuxième partie, à l’enracinement durable de la IIIe République répond cependant, dans un illusoire écho, le lent déclin des conservateurs. En Gascogne, de nombreuses personnalités continuent toutefois d’exercer une autorité politique et culturelle par le biais de diverses sociétés, par la presse et le mouvement félibréen. Les espoirs du rétablissement de la monarchie ou de l’Empire, sans s’éteindre, sont néanmoins fortement déçus et les crises nationales (le boulangisme, l’affaire Dreyfus, la tentative de coup d’État de Déroulède…) n’ébranlent pas l’ancrage républicain ; au contraire, elles le renforcent. N’empêche que, dans la période 1890/1914, les résistances à la République prennent d’autres formes et certaines structures, que l’on croyait en Gascogne jusqu’alors réservées aux années vingt, apparaissent déjà. Le paysage politique se recompose sous l’effet de l’évolution droitière du nationalisme, puis du Ralliement qui divise les droites. À cela, vient s’ajouter l’opposition de l’extrême gauche. D’autre part, les revendications culturelles liées au mouvement félibréen deviennent plus fortement politiques, et laGascogne est à son tour ébranlée par les idées de fédéralisme et de décentralisation qui constituent des outils dans les mains des droites afin de lutter contre le régime républicain. Le clergé continue de combattre les lois scolaires et mène une contre-offensive, souvent minimisée et pourtant réelle. / A considerable amount of studies tend to reach the same conclusion, namely that the Departments situated in the heartland of Gascony (the Gers, the Landes and the Lot-et-Garonne) offered little resistance to the Republican ideal between 1870 and 1914. What little resistance there was, was not enough to overthrow the Republic. A cursory examination of the political picture of the three departments shows that voters adhered progressively to Republican ideas; even if the rate at which this occurred varied from one area to another. But can we be satisfied with this general overview ? Is this confirmed by a more in-depth study comparing national and local figures ? Was Gascony really an early day Republic, little given to contestation either from conservatives or the extreme leftThe first part (which deals with the state of the nation in the 1870’s) shows that the conservatives, albeit divided, were still powerful. Their antirepublican faction was empowered through channels of the local press and regional societies. The agricultural faction is traditionally a right wing preserve but is this really translated into a right wing vote at elections ? As from the decade of the 1880’s, the IIIe Republic took root and at the same time the conservatives declined slowly. This is the subject of the second part. In Gascony, however, a number of local dignitaries continued to wield political and cultural power through societies, the press and the felibreen movement. Although hopes of restoring the Monarchy or the Empire were never completely extinguished, they were nevertheless sevenly dampened. National crises (the boulangism, the Dreyfus affair, the attempted coup d’Etat of Déroulède…) reinforced the Republic instead of overthrowing it. In the period from 1890 to 1914, forms of resistance to the Republic were put in place which are usually associated with the 1920’s. The right wing tendency in nationalism is at first reinforced and then the right wing is divided by the Ralliement. The extreme left makes itself felt more forcefully. Added to this the cultural revendications linked to the felibreen movement become more politically based and Gascony is gripped by federalist and decentralising ideas which are tools of the right against the Republican regime. Clerics continue to fight laws governing schools and lead a counter offensive which has often been minimised but is nevertheless a force to be reckoned with.

João de Camargo Penteado (1877-1965), nascido em Jaú (SP), ficou conhecido na historiografia como o diretor da Escola Moderna N. 1, iniciativa educacional escolar dos anarquistas e seus aliados em São Paulo. Este estudo procura desvelar outras faces desta figura da história da educação, utilizando-se dos conceitos de sociedades de ideias e de ambiência, a partir de fontes primárias inéditas, como os escritos de João Penteado, documentos institucionais das escolas que ele criou e dirigiu, e jornais. Além de anarquista, João Penteado também foi espírita kardecista e dedicou-se a diversas atividades: foi tipógrafo, conferencista, autor de livros e de artigos de jornal, professor e diretor de escola. Criou uma escola de comércio no bairro paulistano do Belenzinho, a Academia de Comércio Saldanha Marinho. Foi diretor de uma associação de instrução para cegos, a APIT para Cegos. / João de Camargo Penteado (1877-1965) was born in Jaú (SP). He was known in historiography as the principal of Escola Moderna N.1, an educational enterprise of the anarchists and their allieds in São Paulo. This research tries to disclose other faces of this personage of the history of education, using the notion of ideas society and ambience, working with primary new sources as his writings, institutional documents of the schools he created and conducted, and newspaper. He was anarchist and spiritist (a follower of Allan Kardec) and he worked like typographer, lecturer, writer and newspaper writer, teacher and school principal. He founded a commercial school in Belenzinho, a São Paulo district, called Academia de Comércio Saldanha Marinho. He also was the director of an association of education for the blind, APIT para Cegos.

VIANA, Allyson Bruno. Anarquismo em papel e tinta: imprensa, edição e cultura libertária (1945 - 1968). 2014. 441f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em História Social, Fortaleza (CE), 2014. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-01-20T11:21:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_abviana.pdf: 10252351 bytes, checksum: 299031a8cb75c523cd64907a3f9ee810 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-01-20T13:18:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_abviana.pdf: 10252351 bytes, checksum: 299031a8cb75c523cd64907a3f9ee810 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-01-20T13:18:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_abviana.pdf: 10252351 bytes, checksum: 299031a8cb75c523cd64907a3f9ee810 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / The thesis aims to investigate the presence of anarchism - its ideas and practices - in Brazil, between the end of the Estado Novo in 1945 and the enactment of the Institutional Act No. 5, in 1968. From a study of libertarians printed, especially press and books, we seek to scale their role as learning strategies and self-education interwoven into the broader project of disseminating libertarian culture. So the study falls within the field of book history, the printing and reading, where the central influence of analysis on the varied reading practices and their circulation, focusing on the experience of the anarchist movement in Brazil and discussing peculiarities of its reorganization after an dictatorship period as well as the attempting to public insertion in a moment of regaining formal political freedoms. / Esta tese tem por objetivo investigar a presença do anarquismo - seu ideário e práticas - no Brasil, no período compreendido entre a queda do Estado Novo, em 1945 e a decretação do Ato Institucional nº 5, em 1968. A partir de um estudo sobre os impressos libertários, sobretudo jornais e livros, procuramos dimensionar seu papel enquanto estratégias de educação e autoformação entrelaçados ao projeto mais amplo de difusão da cultura libertária. Assim, o estudo insere-se no campo da história do livro, dos impressos e da leitura, donde a influência central das análises sobre as variadas práticas de leitura e sua circulação, enfocando a experiência do movimento anarquista no Brasil e pondo em discussão as peculiaridades de sua reorganização após um período de exceção, bem como a tentativa de inserção pública num momento de reconquista de liberdades políticas formais.

CAPES / Este trabalho apresenta uma análise dos artigos publicados pela pensadora brasileira Maria Lacerda de Moura na revista espanhola Estudios (1930-1936). Nestes artigos identificamos elementos para a constituição de uma filosofia unicista libertária da natureza, de onde vem o nosso objetivo de compreender a proposta desta autora, além das suas contribuições críticas à relação estabelecida entre natureza e humanidade na sociedade burguesa industrial. A imprensa foi instrumento privilegiado no final do século XIX para a organização do movimento anarquista bem como difusão de conhecimento e ideais e valores contraculturais à ideologia dominante. Visando a transformação social, editoriais de viés anarquista emergiram trazendo elementos críticos à sociedade vigente e atentos às descobertas científicas da época. Além da difusão do conhecimento, os libertários também questionavam o papel da classe científica e ressignificavam conhecimentos e conceitos a fim de transformá-los em instrumentos para a mudança revolucionária. Neste sentido, identificamos nos artigos publicados na Revista Estudios, ligada ao campo do anarco-individualismo espanhol, a construção de diversas filosofias da natureza com vistas à sociedade libertária. Neste período de fortalecimento a nível mundial dos Estados-nação após a Primeira Guerra Mundial e a ascensão dos Estados totalitários, os militantes e pensadores anarquistas questionavam o avanço tecnológico, a democracia e as instituições da sociedade burguesa. Nesta perspectiva, constituíam diferentes visões da natureza que se opunham à das classes dirigentes, base de um conhecimento científico normalizador e de uma sociedade de controle. Releituras críticas e emancipatórias de temas científicos tão diversos como a eugenia, o neomalthusianismo, o naturismo, a educação sexual, o vegetarianismo, o proteanismo, a plasmogenia, aliados ao combate anticlerical e a um pacifismo radical, baseavam a crítica libertária às políticas autoritárias exercidas pelos governos fascistas. A partir dos artigos da brasileira Maria Lacerda de Moura, publicados neste periódico entre os anos de 1930 e 1936, procuraremos demonstrar a constituição de saberes e de uma “ciência radical”, crítica à sociedade vigente e voltada para a construção de uma nova ética, de uma nova sociedade harmônica através da cooperação, educação, emancipação, avanço tecnológico e participação democrática direta. Na revista Estudios, Maria Lacerda de Moura constrói pontes ibero-americanas a fim de combater inimigos em comum e desativar quaisquer mecanismos de dominação. Neste caminho, a partir das resistências locais e cotidianas, a construção de uma filosofia unicista da natureza se faz evidente. / This work presents an analysis of articles published by brazilian thinker Maria Lacerda de Moura in the spanish journal Estudios (1930-1936). In these articles we identified elements for the creation of a libertarian unicist philosophy of nature, hence our goal to understand the purpose of this author beyond their critical contributions to the relationship established between nature and humanity in the industrial bourgeois society. The press was a privileged instrument in the late nineteenth century to the organization of the anarchist movement and diffusion of knowledge and countercultural ideals and values of the dominant ideology. Aimed at social transformation, editorials with anarchist bias emerged, attentive to the scientific discoveries of the time and bringing critical elements to the existing society. In addition to the dissemination of knowledge, libertarians also questioned the role of class and they gave their own meanings to scientific knowledge and concepts in order to turn them into an instrument for revolutionary change. In this sense, we identify in articles published in the journal Estudios, linked to the field of spanish anarcho-individualism, the construction of various philosophies of nature with a view to libertarian society. In this period of strengthening of global nation-states after the First World War and the rise of totalitarian states, militants and anarchist thinkers questioned the technological progress, democracy and the institutions of bourgeois society. In this perspective, they constituted different views of nature which opposed the one defended by the ruling class, based on a normalizing scientific knowledge and a society of control. Libertarian critique of authoritarian policies exercised by fascist governments was based on critical and emancipatory reinterpretations of scientific topics as diverse as eugenics, neomalthusianism, naturism, sex education, vegetarianism, the "proteanismo", the "plasmogenia", allies to combat anti-clerical and radical pacifism. From the articles published by the Brazilian Maria Laceda de Moura. in this journal between the years 1930 and 1936, we will seek to demonstrate the constitution of knowledges and a "radical science," critique of current society and toward the construction of a new ethics, of a new harmonious society through cooperation, education, empowerment, technological advances and direct democratic participation. In Estudios magazine, Maria Lacerda de Moura built Ibero- American bridges in order to combat enemies in common and disable any mechanisms of domination. In this way, from local and daily resistance, the construction of a unicist philosophy of nature is evident.