Critically examines the extent of corruption in the police in Cameroon and Uganda as well as the impact of police corruption and what best practices on anti-corruption measures in the police can be identified in Cameroon and Uganda. Also looks at the correlation between corruption, policing and human rights. This study relies significantly on secondary data gathered from the library such as books, articles, case law, international and domestic instruments and internet sources. The writer's experiences from both countries will also be included. Interviews and focus group discussions give more authenticity to the topic. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. J Oloka-Onyango of the Faculty of Law, Makerere University – Kampala, Uganda. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This diploma thesis deals with the fight against corruption, both from theoretical and practical point of view. It focuses especially on anti-corruption in the public sector in Denmark and Spain. These two countries were chosen because of their non-conceptional position - they do not fit the thesis of economist Gary S. Becker that stipulates that there is a direct correlation between the size of public sector corruption and the potential level of corruption in the state. The work aims to find an element in the public sectors of both the above-mentioned countries, which are the cause of the Danish success and Spanish groping in this area. The hypothesis is that if a national integrity system of a state is optimally configured and combines appropriate instruments and institutions (preventive and repressive measures), then anti-corruption fight is effective and can lead to marginalization of the issue of systemic corruption. The paper then examines the impact of functions and balanced system of national integrity on the success of anti-corruption struggle within the state. The hypothesis then implies point of view on the fight against this phenomenon, namely the analysis of the problem in terms of public administration that forms the boundary between legal and economic science. Sociological,...

In international corruption indexes, such as Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index, Sweden often ranks as one of the least corrupt countries in the World. Despite this, the country still experiences corruption scandals, particularly in local government. In the wake of a scandal, municipalities tend to react swiftly and initiate anti- corruption reforms. However, despite such actions, new scandals re-emerge. The purpose of the study is to analyze why the undertaken reforms are not always successful in preventing new scandals from happening. In order to do so, I focus on anti-corruption measures in two large Swedish municipalities that have repeatedly experienced corruption scandals, despite having taken action and putting anti-corruption measures in place: the cities of Norrkoping and Gothenburg. Interviews on the scandals and the anti-corruption reforms were conducted with officials and politicians, and empirical evidence has also been gathered from public documents and audit reports. The principal-agent theory and the ideal types of “value based” and “compliance based” approaches are the theoretical tools which are used to analyze the undertaken anti-corruption reforms. The results show that the reforms undertaken indeed have improved the integrity systems of the cities. However, the reoccurring scandals can best be explained by the fact that the reforms have not been properly incorporated properly in the administrations, which in some cases have resulted in an ignorance of the rules. Some scandals can also be explained by conscious criminal acts from the agents, acts that are difficult to guard oneself against no matter how well-designed the anti-corruption institutions are. The results hence show that it is hard to design institutions that obliterate the corruption that are undertaken on purpose by agents.

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Corruption exists in all societies, and often takes place behind closed doors. Corruption can take many different forms, such as when public employees demand or accept payment or favours in exchange for their services, when politicians misuse public funds or give public contracts or jobs to their friends, family, or sponsors, or when businesses bribe officials to secure advantageous agreements (Transparency, n.d). Transparency defines corruption as “the abuse of entrusted power for private gain” (Transparency, n.d).  In some societies corruption is a rare occurrence while in other countries it permeates the whole society. This study aims to see patterns in non-corrupt countries' anti-corruption strategies as well as patterns in corrupt countries' anti-corruption strategies.  Singapore and Denmark are two nations that consistently score highly on the Corruption Perception Index (CPI), a sign of a less corrupt culture. However, countries like Thailand and Iran consistently score poorly on the CPI, suggesting a larger corruption issue (Transparency, 2022). This paper aims to provide an overview in the form of a comparative desk study of the anti-corruption measures of the four countries and to draw comparisons between them, to determine whether less corrupt countries combat corruption in a different way than more corrupt countries. What this study has found is that strong institutions and anti-corruptions agencies given the right amount of tools and independence are more likely to be able to combat corruption in countries; rather than fragile institutions and anti-corruption agencies who are politicised and controlled by the government.

La Convention des Nations Unies contre la corruption, adoptée en 2003, est le premier outil international criminalisant la corruption de façon aussi détaillée. Ce mémoire tente d'évaluer sa portée en analysant les dispositions concernant la prévention, la criminalisation, la coopération internationale et le recouvrement d'avoirs. Il tente d’évaluer la pertinence et l'efficacité de la Convention en illustrant ses défis en matière de conformité, pour ensuite étudier d'autres outils internationaux existants qui lui font compétition. Malgré sa portée élargie, il est débattu que la Convention souffre de lacunes non négligeables qui pourraient restreindre son impact à l'égard de la conduite d'États Membres. / The United Nations Convention Against Corruption (adopted in 2003) is the first global in-depth treaty on corruption. This work attempts to assess its significance by analyzing its provisions, in particular concerning the areas of prevention, criminalization, international cooperation and asset recovery. It then seeks to assess its relevancy and effectiveness by giving an overview of the Convention's main compliance challenges, as well as other existing initiatives that tackle corruption. Although the Convention innovates in many respects, it is argued that it also suffers from weaknesses that cannot be overlooked, preventing it from having a real impact on States' behavior.

La Convention des Nations Unies contre la corruption, adoptée en 2003, est le premier outil international criminalisant la corruption de façon aussi détaillée. Ce mémoire tente d'évaluer sa portée en analysant les dispositions concernant la prévention, la criminalisation, la coopération internationale et le recouvrement d'avoirs. Il tente d’évaluer la pertinence et l'efficacité de la Convention en illustrant ses défis en matière de conformité, pour ensuite étudier d'autres outils internationaux existants qui lui font compétition. Malgré sa portée élargie, il est débattu que la Convention souffre de lacunes non négligeables qui pourraient restreindre son impact à l'égard de la conduite d'États Membres. / The United Nations Convention Against Corruption (adopted in 2003) is the first global in-depth treaty on corruption. This work attempts to assess its significance by analyzing its provisions, in particular concerning the areas of prevention, criminalization, international cooperation and asset recovery. It then seeks to assess its relevancy and effectiveness by giving an overview of the Convention's main compliance challenges, as well as other existing initiatives that tackle corruption. Although the Convention innovates in many respects, it is argued that it also suffers from weaknesses that cannot be overlooked, preventing it from having a real impact on States' behavior.

A Corruption is perceived as a threat of the economical and political stability worldwide therefore a lot of anti-corruption steps are taken and the priority is given to international cooperation. To minimize the potential risk of corruption it is necessary to interconnect the systems of anti-corruption fight. In my thesis, the stress is put on the link between the law regulation of European Union and law regulations of member states aiming the Czech Republic measures. The anti-corruption legal framework set by the European Union has the preventive and represive character and it gives to every member state a space for its own anti-corruption iniciative to make the whole anti-corruption system more effective. The thesis is focused on criminal law, but there is also mentioned other areas of law as well as the relevant EU organizations and authorities. In the end I give specific results and recommendations.

La présente thèse a examiné et discuté des mesures prises par le gouvernement égyptien pour lutter contre la corruption en fournissant une étude constructive et interdisciplinaire post-mortem critique du premier projet de stratégie nationale de lutte contre la corruption élaboré par l’Égypte en 2014 et devant s’appliquer de 2014 à 2018. Il visait à examiner dans quelle mesure les politiques mises en œuvre étaient susceptibles d'atteindre leurs objectifs, compte tenu du taux élevé de corruption administrative et des problèmes de gouvernance ayant fortement affecté l'application des réformes proposées dans ladite stratégie. L'objectif principal de cette thèse est de formuler des recommandations de réformes sur mesure afin de combler le fossé entre les réformes de gouvernance envisagées et la réalité sur le terrain. Comment la gouvernance législative de l’Égypte pourrait-elle tirer parti d’une panoplie de mesures correctives contre la corruption? Telle est la question de recherche que cette thèse a cherché à aborder. En vue d'atteindre cet objectif, la méthodologie s’est appuyée sur des données secondaires combinant une analyse documentaire, une analyse documentaire de solutions efficaces et l’expérience réussie des pays en développement dans la lutte contre la corruption, des formations aux institutions de lutte contre la corruption et de gestion, un examen des rapports, observations et connaissance du contexte particulier dédits pays. L'étude visait à créer un dialogue entre diverses disciplines dans le but d'identifier et de décrire les mesures efficaces susceptibles de garantir le succès des futures stratégies de lutte contre la corruption. L'examen du contexte historique des efforts consentis par l'Égypte dans sa lutte contre la corruption, de 1952 à 2014, a montré que les dirigeants politiques égyptiens avaient affronté tous les problèmes de corruption en promulguant des lois sans accorder une attention soutenue au degré de leur mise en œuvre. La présente thèse vise à combler une lacune importante dans la recherche en proposant une étude interdisciplinaire du problème de la corruption administrative en Égypte, qui ne soit pas uniquement centrée sur la modification des lois. Toutefois, il convient de noter que l'approche interdisciplinaire ne compromet nullement le rôle de la loi dans la lutte contre la corruption, mais fournit à la loi un soutien et des ressources supplémentaires pour l'aider à atteindre l'objectif ciblé. Cette thèse a tenté de proposer des moyens efficaces de servir l'esprit de la loi et l'intention du législateur. La recherche a conclu qu'il était recommandé que les décideurs politiques cherchent à adopter une approche à la fois plus disséminée, plus participative, plus protectrice et plus stimulante, lors de la mise en œuvre de stratégies futures de contrôle de la corruption et d'application des lois anticorruption. Outre le caractère exhaustif de l'approche proposée, la volonté politique de soutenir les mesures de lutte contre la corruption revêt, dans tous les cas, une importance primordiale. / This thesis examined and discussed the measures undertaken by the Egyptian government to fight corruption by providing a critical post-mortem interdisciplinary constructive study of Egypt’s first drafted National Anti-Corruption Strategy that was developed in 2014, and scheduled to run from 2014-2018. It sought to examine the extent to which the implemented policies were likely to achieve their goals, given the high rate of administrative corruption and the governance problems that strongly affected the enforcement of the reforms proposed in the strategy. The main aim of this thesis is to formulate custom-made recommendations for reforms in an effort to bridge the gap between the intended governance reforms and the reality on the ground. How can Egypt’s legislative governance benefit from an inventory of anti-corruption remedies? That is the research question that this thesis sought to address. In order to serve this purpose, the methodology relied on secondary data that combined desk review, a literature review of effective solutions and successful in-progress countries’ experiences in tackling corruption, trainings in anti-corruption and management institutions, review of international organizations’ reports, observations and knowledge of the countries’ particular context. The study aspired to create a dialogue among a range of disciplines in an attempt to identify and describe the effective measures that would guarantee the success of the future anti-corruption strategies. The review of the historical background of Egypt’s efforts to fight corruption from 1952-2014 has shown that political leaders in Egypt have faced every corruption problem by promulgating laws without giving much attention to the degree of their implementation. This thesis fills an important gap in research by providing an interdisciplinary study of the problem of administrative corruption in Egypt that is not solely centered on changing the laws. However, it is important to note that the interdisciplinary approach does not undermine the role of the law in fighting corruption, rather it provides the law with additional support and resources to help it in achieving its intended goal. This thesis attempted to propose effective ways to serve the spirit of the law and the intention of the legislator. The research concluded that it is recommended that policy makers may seek to adopt an approach that is at the same time more disseminative, more participative, more protective, and more stimulating when implementing future strategies to control corruption and enforce anti-corruption laws. In addition to the comprehensiveness of this proposed approach, the political will to support anti-corruption measures is, in all cases, of paramount importance.

本文第一章介紹研究背景與問題意識與研究架構，從相關研究成果中爬梳政治腐敗的定義與其在社會主義國家中的特殊性。並探討兩個主軸：中國大陸市場轉型過程中所面臨的腐敗問題與政府、以及中共領導人如何看待之。 　　第二章從國家與政府的角度觀察中共的貪腐問題，變化中的產權、中央與地方關係。第三、四代領導人如何面對市場經濟帶來的變化，憲法賦予全國人大、政協的監督權有所不足之處，但通常未能充分發揮。並分析中共第三、四兩代領導人所進行的機構改革與法制建設。 　　第三章從黨的組織結構切入。紀委是黨內主要的監督機制，但黨紀處分最高只能開除黨籍，由於市場化使官商不分，意識型態的約束鬆弛，使得黨紀的約束能力下降。「三個代表」號召企業家入黨使得黨員身分不再是最可靠的的資本政治。第三、四兩代領導人都曾發起政治運動宣揚理想的幹部形象，例如江澤民的「三講」、胡錦濤的「保持黨員先進性」。 　　第四章引入非正式制度的層面探討貪腐問題，包括傳媒、文化與市民社會等層面。首先，中共缺乏開放的輿論監督，使人民與政府都無法獲得充分的訊息，雖然可以暫時掩蓋真相，但長遠而言是不利的。其次中國傳統文化講究人際關係的經營，計畫經濟時期的單位制都造成對關係網絡的重視，破壞公平性。最後作者分析是否能寄望藉由成熟的市民社會來促使非正式制度的監督發揮功能。 　　第五章歸納指出中國政治未來可能的發展與改革侷限，包含民主化與多元防腐機制的建構。並未來貪腐問題是否繼續困擾中共提出幾個思考方向。 / In chapter 1, I introduce the background of this study and review correlative research. I want to discriminate the character of political corruption in post-communism states, especially based on China’s market transformation. What situation the leaders faced and how they consider dealing with are two main viewpoints. Next, I analyze this issue from the government structure in chapter 2, such as the relation between central and local bureaucrats. In view of monitor institution setting is not sufficient, I want to explain the institution reform of PRC’s government and the regularization in law. Although the constitution gives the National People Congress and the Political Consultative Conference the authority to supervise, but the power is usually not elaborated well. In chapter 3, I want to observe this issue from the party-state perspective. The discipline committee is the main system in party organization each level. But as the marketization arises, the role of an official and an entrepreneur is often blurred. The leaders of the third and the fourth generation have taken some propagandas or political mobilizations to describe their desirable cadres. Such as Jiang Zemin’s “Three Emphasis” and Hu Jingtao’s “Keep the Party Members’ Advancement”. Then, I lead into the cause of informal institution to discuss the corruptive phenomenon in China. First, there are multiple restrictions on media to reveal the truth, so not only people, but also the government can’t get sufficient information. Second, there are some customs from Chinese culture tradition that make people rely on interpersonal network and guanxi. Third, I analyze whether a mature civil society could constraint these behaviors. Finally, I will indicate that there are still some restrictions on China’s political reform in my conclusion, and provide some directions for more thinking.