On the Blacklist: Hollywood Reds and Witch Hunting in the American Motion Picture Industry (1947-1960) Abstract At the beginning of the Cold War, the American motion picture industry was struck with a "witch-hunt" that led to establishment of the so-called blacklist. Due to this controversial policy, three hundred "Reds" (actual or perceived members of the U.S. Communist Party) were shut out from work in Hollywood during 1947-1950. The first explanation of this phenomenon can be seen in the bipolarity of the post-war world where the United States took leadership in a crusade against the Soviet Union. One result of this seemingly international crusade was that it also became domestic-followers of the U.S. Communist Party became actual public enemies. A deeper analysis of whole issue, however, requires that other elements must be seriously taken into account. The microcosm of Hollywood, some principles of American thinking and the activities of the Reds themselves provide crucial insights into comprehensively understanding the complexity of blacklisting. Experience with the Hollywood blacklist included many different aspects. First of all, it was a political battle with the "inquisitors" from the House Committee on Un-American Activities who helped establish the anti-Communist policy in American motion...

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-12-01Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T21:04:16Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 tomain_cs_dr_fran.pdf: 1310739 bytes, checksum: 3b1bbf44a0aa1b003f100b4315956e16 (MD5) / Neste trabalho procurei refletir como se deu a representação da FEB e dos ex-combatentes brasileiros no cinema documentário contemporâneo, dos anos de 1990 e 2000, compreendendo a relação destes filmes com a memória da FEB e da participação do Brasil na Segunda Guerra Mundial. Nestes 60 anos de pós-guerra, o passado destes ex-combatentes foi submetido a quatro articulações que encontraram de uma maneira ou de outra ressonância no cinema: a memória “enquadrada” de 1944/45; a memória “emprestada” de 1960/70; a memória “atacada” de 1980/90 e a memória “em combate” de 2000. No fim da guerra foi forjada a imagem de uma FEB vitoriosa e de heróis nacionais, elegendo a conquista de Monte Castelo como o principal feito do soldado brasileiro na “Campanha da Itália”. O inverno europeu e os quatro ataques mal sucedidos ao Apenino transformaram Monte Castelo no maior mito da participação brasileira no conflito mundial. Mas os anos que se seguiram ao retorno da FEB ao Brasil foram acompanhados de um descaso total do Estado e da sociedade civil pelas experiências de guerra daqueles homens e mulheres que ainda mesmo na Itália já tinham sido desmobilizados. Foram nos anos de 1960/70 que a memória dos ex-combatentes assumiu nova conotação, tomada emprestada pelos militares no poder a “Campanha da Itália” passou a ser o horizonte para qual a sociedade civil e os militares deveriam olhar no tocante a uma nova luta que se configurava no cenário político nacional e internacional da época: a luta contra o comunismo foi a continuação da luta da FEB na Itália contra o nazi-fascismo. No entanto, este (res)sentimento de anticomunismo, que teve origem em 1935 com a Intentona Comunista e que veio sendo articulado e atualizado pelos militares ao longo dos anos, gerou um contra-sentimento de antimilitarismo em uma... / In this work I tried to reflect on how the representation of FEB and Brazilian former combatants at the contemporary documentary cinema was in the years of 1990 and 2000, understanding the relationship of those films with the recollection of FEB and the participation of Brazil in the Second World War. During the 60 after-war years, the past of these former combatants has been submitted to four connections which encountered, somehow or other, success at the cinema: the “framed” memory of 1944/45; the “lent” memory of 1960/70; the “attacked” memory of 1980/90 and the memory “in combat” of 2000. At the end of the war, an image of an victorious FEB and of national heroes was fabricated, electing the conquest of Monte Castelo (Mount Castle) as the main deed of the Brazilian soldier at the “Italian Campaign”. The European winter and the four badly-succeeded attacks to the Appennines transformed Monte Castelo into the biggest myth of the Brazilian participation in the world conflict. However, the years after the return of FEB to Brazil were followed by a total negligence from the State and the civil society by the war experiences of those men and women who, even in Italy, had already been demobilized. It was in the years of 1960/70 which the memory of the former combatants assumed a new connotation, borrowed by the militaries in the power. The “Italian Campaign” started being the horizon at which the civil society and the militaries should look when it comes to a new fight which was being formed at the national and international political scenario of such time: the fight against the Communism was the continuation of FEB’s fight in Italy against the nazi-fascism. However, this feeling/resentment of anti-communism, which started in 1935 with the Communist Intentona and which was being articulated and updated by the militaries along the years, provoked a counter-feeling of ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / En este trabajo busqué reflexionar como se dio la representación de FEB y de los ex combatientes brasileños en el cine documentario contemporáneo, de los años 1990 y 2000, comprendiendo la relación de estas películas con la memoria de FEB y de la participación de Brasil en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. En esos 60 años de posguerra, el pasado de esos ex combatientes fue sometido a cuatro articulaciones que encontraron de una manera o otra, resonancia en el cine: la memoria “encuadrada” de 1944/45; la memoria “prestada” de 1960/70; la memoria “atacada” de 1980/90 y la memoria “en combate” de 2000. En el fin de la guerra fue forjada la imagen de una FEB victoriosa y de héroes nacionales, eligiendo la conquista de Monte Castelo como el principal hecho del soldado brasileño en la “Campaña de Italia”. El invento europeo y los cuatros ataques sin éxito al Apenino transformaron Monte Castelo en el mayor mito de la participación brasileña en el conflicto mundial. Pero los años que se siguieron al retorno de FEB al Brasil fueron acompañados de un descaso total del Estado y de la sociedad civil por las experiencias de guerra de aquellos hombres y mujeres que todavía mismo en Italia ya habían sido desmovilizados. Fueron en los años de 1960/70 que la memoria de los ex combatientes asumió nueva connotación, tomada prestada por los militares en el poder la “Campaña de Italia” pasó a ser el horizonte para lo cual la sociedad civil y los militares deberían mirar en el tocante a una nueva lucha que se configuraba en el escenario político nacional e internacional de la época: la lucha contra el comunismo fue la continuación de la lucha de FEB en Italia contra el nazifascismo. Entretanto, este (re)sentimiento de anticomunismo, que tuvo origen en 1935 con la Intentona Comunista y que vino siendo articulada y actualizada por los militares a lo largo de los años, ... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletronico abajo)

Orientador: Márcia Regina Capelari Naxara / Banca: Jacy Alves Seixas / Banca: Josette Maria Alves de Souza Monzani / Banca: Luiz Carlos Ribeiro / Banca: Tania da Costa Garcia / Resumo: Neste trabalho procurei refletir como se deu a representação da FEB e dos ex-combatentes brasileiros no cinema documentário contemporâneo, dos anos de 1990 e 2000, compreendendo a relação destes filmes com a memória da FEB e da participação do Brasil na Segunda Guerra Mundial. Nestes 60 anos de pós-guerra, o passado destes ex-combatentes foi submetido a quatro articulações que encontraram de uma maneira ou de outra ressonância no cinema: a memória "enquadrada" de 1944/45; a memória "emprestada" de 1960/70; a memória "atacada" de 1980/90 e a memória "em combate" de 2000. No fim da guerra foi forjada a imagem de uma FEB vitoriosa e de heróis nacionais, elegendo a conquista de Monte Castelo como o principal feito do soldado brasileiro na "Campanha da Itália". O inverno europeu e os quatro ataques mal sucedidos ao Apenino transformaram Monte Castelo no maior mito da participação brasileira no conflito mundial. Mas os anos que se seguiram ao retorno da FEB ao Brasil foram acompanhados de um descaso total do Estado e da sociedade civil pelas experiências de guerra daqueles homens e mulheres que ainda mesmo na Itália já tinham sido desmobilizados. Foram nos anos de 1960/70 que a memória dos ex-combatentes assumiu nova conotação, tomada emprestada pelos militares no poder a "Campanha da Itália" passou a ser o horizonte para qual a sociedade civil e os militares deveriam olhar no tocante a uma nova luta que se configurava no cenário político nacional e internacional da época: a luta contra o comunismo foi a continuação da luta da FEB na Itália contra o nazi-fascismo. No entanto, este (res)sentimento de anticomunismo, que teve origem em 1935 com a Intentona Comunista e que veio sendo articulado e atualizado pelos militares ao longo dos anos, gerou um contra-sentimento de antimilitarismo em uma ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: In this work I tried to reflect on how the representation of FEB and Brazilian former combatants at the contemporary documentary cinema was in the years of 1990 and 2000, understanding the relationship of those films with the recollection of FEB and the participation of Brazil in the Second World War. During the 60 after-war years, the past of these former combatants has been submitted to four connections which encountered, somehow or other, success at the cinema: the "framed" memory of 1944/45; the "lent" memory of 1960/70; the "attacked" memory of 1980/90 and the memory "in combat" of 2000. At the end of the war, an image of an victorious FEB and of national heroes was fabricated, electing the conquest of Monte Castelo (Mount Castle) as the main deed of the Brazilian soldier at the "Italian Campaign". The European winter and the four badly-succeeded attacks to the Appennines transformed Monte Castelo into the biggest myth of the Brazilian participation in the world conflict. However, the years after the return of FEB to Brazil were followed by a total negligence from the State and the civil society by the war experiences of those men and women who, even in Italy, had already been demobilized. It was in the years of 1960/70 which the memory of the former combatants assumed a new connotation, borrowed by the militaries in the power. The "Italian Campaign" started being the horizon at which the civil society and the militaries should look when it comes to a new fight which was being formed at the national and international political scenario of such time: the fight against the Communism was the continuation of FEB's fight in Italy against the nazi-fascism. However, this feeling/resentment of anti-communism, which started in 1935 with the Communist Intentona and which was being articulated and updated by the militaries along the years, provoked a counter-feeling of ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: En este trabajo busqué reflexionar como se dio la representación de FEB y de los ex combatientes brasileños en el cine documentario contemporáneo, de los años 1990 y 2000, comprendiendo la relación de estas películas con la memoria de FEB y de la participación de Brasil en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. En esos 60 años de posguerra, el pasado de esos ex combatientes fue sometido a cuatro articulaciones que encontraron de una manera o otra, resonancia en el cine: la memoria "encuadrada" de 1944/45; la memoria "prestada" de 1960/70; la memoria "atacada" de 1980/90 y la memoria "en combate" de 2000. En el fin de la guerra fue forjada la imagen de una FEB victoriosa y de héroes nacionales, eligiendo la conquista de Monte Castelo como el principal hecho del soldado brasileño en la "Campaña de Italia". El invento europeo y los cuatros ataques sin éxito al Apenino transformaron Monte Castelo en el mayor mito de la participación brasileña en el conflicto mundial. Pero los años que se siguieron al retorno de FEB al Brasil fueron acompañados de un descaso total del Estado y de la sociedad civil por las experiencias de guerra de aquellos hombres y mujeres que todavía mismo en Italia ya habían sido desmovilizados. Fueron en los años de 1960/70 que la memoria de los ex combatientes asumió nueva connotación, tomada prestada por los militares en el poder la "Campaña de Italia" pasó a ser el horizonte para lo cual la sociedad civil y los militares deberían mirar en el tocante a una nueva lucha que se configuraba en el escenario político nacional e internacional de la época: la lucha contra el comunismo fue la continuación de la lucha de FEB en Italia contra el nazifascismo. Entretanto, este (re)sentimiento de anticomunismo, que tuvo origen en 1935 con la Intentona Comunista y que vino siendo articulada y actualizada por los militares a lo largo de los años, ... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletronico abajo) / Doutor

The aim of this master's thesis is to define and analyse the anti-Communist cycle: a group of several dozen feature films, which were produced in the United States since the late forties until the end of the fifties. The thesis adopts a critical approach to the current research on the cycle; it considers that scholars have not taken into account much of the relevant context and have described the cycle only as a reflection of some social phenomena. This project enriches the debate by considering the plurality of differently motivated participants. In addition to shifts in the society as a whole, the emphasis is put on the interests of both the film industry and ones, who expressed their disagreement with the dominant form of anti-Communism, but not with the anti-Communism itself. The anti-Communist cycle is thus presented as a dynamic group of various films in terms of ideas, style or genres; among these films a discreet tension was created. This general hypothesis is tested by three extensive chapters. The first chapter deals with the context and defines the role of all participants. It is divided into two parts: (a) the historical context, (b) the context of the film industry. The second chapter summarizes the long continuity of production of anti-Communist films in the United States; then it...

The diploma thesis deals with some aspects of the life of the Czech generation Y, the first generation growing up in a free period after the Velvet Revolution of 1989. The thesis focuses on university students. The introduction focuses on defining the concept of generation in the Czech environment as well as in the world, as well as the issue of generations and discussions on the subject both at the media and at the professional level. The research section is based on interviews with twelve members of this generation. The interviews are oriented on the specifics that distinguish the Czech generation Y from the young people in other parts of the world, especially history of the Czechoslovakia between years 1948 and 1989. The interviews drew on their opinion and outlook on the development of the republic before 1989 by opting for family, education, peers, and other factors that could influence them. The conversations also focused on the current attitude towards politics, ideologies and values. Narrators also looked for generational specifics and characteristics related to generational determination, such as technology, social networks, anti-communism... Key words Husák's Children, Velvet Revolution, communism, anti-communism, ideology, technology, social media, theory of generations, freedom

Based on a historiographical, archival and media analysis, this doctoral thesis explores the phenomenon of parakratos (translated as deep state or parastate) in post-civil war Greece (1949-1967). Research perspectives are fourfold: Firstly, parakratos is discussed in the context of academic debates on parapolitics and the concepts of the dual state, the security state and the deep state; and presented as a Cold War parallel power mechanism, analogical to Italy and Turkey. Secondly, parakratos is analysed as part of domestic political reality through the prism of the historical events documented in Greek historiography. In this sense, the thesis concentrates on the emergence and operation of clandestine military groups and parastate ultra- nationalist organisations against the backdrop of the Greek political, legal and social environment. Both phenomena are elaborated on through the lens of the inefficient Greek political and administrative system, a deeply divided society, the politicisation of the public space, and the persistence of clientelist networks constructed upon political loyalties. Third, the parakratos is examined on an interpretative level as a term and concept employed in Greek historiography. Focusing on its presumed roots, actors, purposes and relations with the state, three...

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[pt] Esta tese analisa o processo de formação histórica das direitas brasileiras, tendo como eixo de investigação a verificação empírica de duas hipóteses centrais inter-relacionadas. A primeira aponta que a união entre liberalismo econômico e conservadorismo no plano dos costumes, que caracteriza o campo da direita no Brasil contemporâneo, deita longas raízes na história nacional; enquanto a segunda identifica a internet como elemento-chave para a compreensão do avanço das direitas - incluindo sua reativação como fenômeno de massa – registrado no país no período posterior às manifestações de junho de 2013. Além de confirmar ambas as hipóteses, a pesquisa, fundamentada em revisão bibliográfica, discute como atores políticos de direita reagiram de maneira especialmente eficiente aos diferentes ciclos de desenvolvimento tecnológico e de difusão das redes digitais, que modificaram dinâmicas políticas na direção de uma intensa polarização verificada na sociedade durante as eleições presidenciais de 2018. Com destaque para o papel desempenhado pelo escritor Olavo de Carvalho na renovação da tradição anticomunista brasileira - consolidada ainda na década de 1930 -, a partir da popularização de uma leitura reacionária do pensamento de Gramsci influenciada pela direita dos Estados Unidos. A opção por uma abordagem histórica, que não perca de vista dinâmicas sistêmicas internacionais, nem a análise de outras variáveis de caráter interdisciplinar, busca dar conta do dinamismo e da complexidade do fenômeno, identificando, entre continuidades e elementos novos, vetores capazes de conectar a diversidade das direitas em uma ação política unificada. / [en] This thesis aims to analyze the History of Brazilian right-wing movements building process by pursuing the empirical verification of two main interrelated hypothesis. The first one points out that the union between economic liberalism and moral conservatism, which characterizes contemporary Brazilian right-wing, has deep roots in national History; while the second hypothesis identifies the internet as a key element for understanding the rising of Brazilian right-wing after the June 2013 demonstrations, including its rebirth as a mass phenomenon. In addition to confirming both hypothesis, the research, based on literature review, discusses how right-wing political actors reacted efficiently to the different cycles of digital networks technological development and diffusion, which modified political dynamics towards on a growing polarization seen in 2018 presidential election. A special attention is paid to the role played by the writer Olavo de Carvalho in the renewing of Brazilian anti-communist tradition from the 1930s through the popularization of a reactionary understanding of Gramsci s thought inspired by the right-wing movements from the United States. By choosing a historical approach, which does not lose sight of international dynamics, nor of other interdisciplinary variables, this thesis aims to understand the phenomenon s dynamism and complexity, identifying, among continuities and new elements, vectors capable of connecting the diversity of right-wing movements in an unified political action.

Abstract : This thesis develops an ideological critique of selected works by Oliver Lange, Orson Scott Card, Mary Jane Engh, Paul Chamberland, Hubert Aquin, and Claude Jasmin in order to uncover how they use the politico-literary discourse of the paranoid style and its Manichean binary of Us versus Them within the contexts of the United States during the Cold War (and its on-going repercussions into the early 1970’s) and Québec during the Révolution tranquille (Quiet Revolution). The consequent ideologemes manifest narratives describing the fight of an oppressed group (Us) against a demonized hegemonic enemy (Them.) This comparative literature project includes political and historical analyses in order to situate the works in the socio-historical contexts of their production, and since the ideologies of a period may be imbedded (knowingly or not) by an author in a text. The United States and Québec were extremely different culturally, as well as politically, during the decades in question and the issues their populations had to face were often quite dissimilar. Yet it is precisely the interrogation of their dissimilarities that is central to my project of demonstrating, through the selected texts, how two different societies narrativise key predominant ideological anxieties and struggles using the same rhetoric and similar tropes of the paranoid syle and its Manichean ideologemes. / Résumé : Ce mémoire réalise une critique idéologique de textes littéraires produits par différents auteurs : Oliver Lange, Orson Scott Card, Mary Jane Engh, Paul Chamberland, Hubert Aquin et Claude Jasmin. Cette critique a pour but d'étudier comment ces textes utilisent le discours politico-littéraire du paranoid style (style paranoïaque) et le manichéanisme ( Us versus Them ou Eux ou Nous) qui lui est associé à l'intérieur du contexte sociohistorique des États-Unis au plus fort de la Guerre froide (et durant sa période plus chaude des années 1970) et du Québec au plus fort de la Révolution tranquille. Les idéologèmes qui en résultent façonnent des histoires décrivant le combat d'un groupe opprimé (Nous) contre un ennemi hégémonique et démonisé (Eux) Ce projet de littérature comparée fait appel à des analyses politiques et historiques pour situer les textes analysés dans leur contexte sociohistorique de production respectifs puisque les idéologies d'une époque peuvent être insérées (consciemment ou non) par un auteur dans un texte. Le Québec et les États-Unis étaient des sociétés extrêmement différentes culturellement et politiquement durant ces décennies et les problèmes auxquels elles devaient faire face étaient différents également. C'est l'exploration de ces différences qui est centrale à ma démonstration, à travers les textes sélectionnés, du processus par lequel deux sociétés différentes opposées à deux ennemis différents mettent en scène leurs principaux combats et anxiétés idéologiques en utilisant la même rhétorique et les même conventions reliées au style paranoïaque et à son Manichéanisme.

Text in Afrikaans / Die portefeulje Verdediging het vanaf 1948 tot 1959 besondere eise aan F.C. Erasmus gestel. Hy moes 'n parate en doeltreffende Unieverdedigingsmag, wat Suid-Afrika teen moontlike kommunistiese aggressie kon verdedig, daarstel. Hy moes ook die Nasionale Party se verdedigingsbeleid, tot nag toe abstrakte beginsels vervat in die partyprogram, implementeer. Erasmus het die Mag d.m.v. 'n ingrypende hervormingsprogram met 'n Suid-Afrikaanse identiteit beklee en Afrikaanssprekendes in groat getalle daarheen gelok. Nieteenstaande die beperkte hulpbronne tot die land se beskikking en sterk kritiek teen hom, het Erasmus Suid-Afrika se verdediging met rasse skrede laat vooruitgaan. Hy het die organisasie, opleiding en krygstuig van die Mag uitgebou en gemoderniseer, en ook die grondslag van 'n onafhanklike, plaaslike krygstuigvervaardigingsbedryf gele. Voorts het Erasmus 'n prominente rol in Suid-Afrika se internasionale militere strategie gespeel. Hy bet onvermoeid gepoog om die Europese koloniale moondhede te oorreed om 'n Afrika-verdedigingsorganisasie op die been te bring. 'n Hoogtepunt van sy dienstermyn aan die internasionale front was Brittanje se oordrag van Simonstad aan Suid-Afrika. / The Defence portfolio placed heavy demands on F.C. Erasmus from 1948 to 1959. He had to transform the South African armed forces into an efficient and combat ready Union Defence Force. He also had to implement the National Party's defence policy, which hitherto consisted of abstract principles contained in the party's political programme. Erasmus made far reaching changes to the Union Defence Force, furnishing it with a distinct South African identity. Despite criticism against him and the country's limited resources Erasmus improved South Africa's defence significantly. He modernized the organization, training and equipment of the Union Defence Force and established the basis for an independent local armaments industry. Erasmus also played a prominent role in South Africa's international military strategy. He laboured unceasingly to persuade the European colonial powers to enter into an African defence alli~nce. One of his greatest achievements is the transfer of Simonstown to South Africa. / History / M.A. (Geskiedenis)