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The thesis looks at Protestant missions to the Ottoman Empire and the countries which emerged from it through Bosch's "Enlightenment missionary" (2003) and Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations" (1996) paradigms. It argues that Muslim resistance to Christianity is rooted in innate Muslim intransigence and in specific historical events in which missionaries played important roles. The work utilizes a simple formula: it contrasts the socio-political and cultural framework missionaries imbibed at home with that of their host environment, outlines the goals and strategies they formulated and implemented, looks at the results, and notes the missiological implications. The formula is applied to four successive periods. We begin with the pre-World War I missionaries of the late Ottoman Empire. We look at their faith in reason, their conviction in the cultural superiority of Anglo-Saxon Protestantism, their attitude towards Islam, their idea of reaching the Muslim majority by reviving the Orthodox churches, and the evolution of their theology and missiology. World War I changed the landscape. The Empire's demise led to a struggle for Turkish and Arab national self-determination leading to the establishment of the Turkish Republic and various Arab entities, notably French and British mandates. Protestant missions almost disappeared in Turkey, while a small number of "veterans" kept the enterprise alive in the Arab world. While the Arabs struggled to liberate themselves from the Mandatory Powers, these veterans analyzed past failures, recognized the importance of reaching Muslims directly and began experimenting with more contextualized approaches. The post-World War II era saw the retreat of colonialism, the creation of Israel, a succession of wars with that country, and the formation of a Palestinian identity. Oil enabled the Arabian Peninsula to emerge as a major economic and political force. The missionary enterprise, on the other hand, virtually collapsed. Unlike their veteran predecessors, the pre-Boomer generation, with a few notable exceptions, was bereft of fresh ideas. During the 1970s the evangelical Baby Boomers launched a new enterprise. They tended not to perceive themselves as heirs of a heritage going back to the 1800s, though the people they "targeted" did. Their successors, the GenXers, products of post-modernism and inheritors of Boomer structures, face a region experiencing both increased political frustration and the re-emergence of Islam as a socio-political power. In closing we look at Church-centered New Testament spirituality as a foundational paradigm for further missions to the region. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

Le paysage médiatique arabe a connu un accroissement spectaculaire au cours de ces dernières décennies, notamment avec la création des grandes chaînes satellitaires comme Al-Jazeera, Al-Arabiya et MBC… et plus tard avec l’arrivée des chaînes occidentales arabophones à destination des publics arabes comme la BBC, France 24 et DW-TV Arabia. Les chaînes arabophones à destination du monde arabe constituent un phénomène médiatique pouvant servir des objectifs idéologiques, une diplomatie de séduction et des vecteurs d’influence pour atteindre des buts politiques et économiques. L’étude porte sur une de ces chaînes satellitaires, la DW-TV Arabia, et sur le rôle qu’elle joue pour le rayonnement de la culture et la position politique allemande, mais aussi pour promouvoir les valeurs et les pratiques démocratiques de la République fédérale. L’objet de cette recherche est de définir ses objectifs de création, sa ligne éditoriale dans la mesure où elle garantit la crédibilité, l’intégrité professionnelle, et son aptitude à forger un discours médiatique indépendant. Il convient par ailleurs de la situer dans le champ médiatique arabe mais aussi de montrer son rôle stratégique pour maintenir les intérêts économiques allemands dans le monde arabe. / The media landscape has known in the twentieth last years a spectacular increase, especially after the creation of satellite's channels with international vocation like Aljazeera, Al-Arabiya and MBC. Lately, the creation of occidental arabophones channels, like BBC, France 24 and DW-TV Arabia, comes to add a new dimension to the media field. The occidental arabophones channels that target Arab World can be considered as a phenomenon in the media field. They can be used to serving ideological objectives, to improve diplomatic relationships, and to make gains in politics and economics domains. This research is focalized in one of these channels; the DW-TV Arabia, this German channel in destination to the Arab World created in 2002. His role as a tool in the proliferation of Germany cultural and politics principles of the federal republic of Germany, to the Arab World, is one of the principals axes treated in this work. Therefore, the motifs of the creation of DW-TV Arabia occupy an important part of this study. The principal aspects who characterized the editorial line of this channel is based on the objectivity, credibility and independence; however, he play a strategic role in improving the economic interests of Germany in the Arab World countries.

The thesis looks at Protestant missions to the Ottoman Empire and the countries which emerged from it through Bosch's "Enlightenment missionary" (2003) and Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations" (1996) paradigms. It argues that Muslim resistance to Christianity is rooted in innate Muslim intransigence and in specific historical events in which missionaries played important roles. The work utilizes a simple formula: it contrasts the socio-political and cultural framework missionaries imbibed at home with that of their host environment, outlines the goals and strategies they formulated and implemented, looks at the results, and notes the missiological implications. The formula is applied to four successive periods. We begin with the pre-World War I missionaries of the late Ottoman Empire. We look at their faith in reason, their conviction in the cultural superiority of Anglo-Saxon Protestantism, their attitude towards Islam, their idea of reaching the Muslim majority by reviving the Orthodox churches, and the evolution of their theology and missiology. World War I changed the landscape. The Empire's demise led to a struggle for Turkish and Arab national self-determination leading to the establishment of the Turkish Republic and various Arab entities, notably French and British mandates. Protestant missions almost disappeared in Turkey, while a small number of "veterans" kept the enterprise alive in the Arab world. While the Arabs struggled to liberate themselves from the Mandatory Powers, these veterans analyzed past failures, recognized the importance of reaching Muslims directly and began experimenting with more contextualized approaches. The post-World War II era saw the retreat of colonialism, the creation of Israel, a succession of wars with that country, and the formation of a Palestinian identity. Oil enabled the Arabian Peninsula to emerge as a major economic and political force. The missionary enterprise, on the other hand, virtually collapsed. Unlike their veteran predecessors, the pre-Boomer generation, with a few notable exceptions, was bereft of fresh ideas. During the 1970s the evangelical Baby Boomers launched a new enterprise. They tended not to perceive themselves as heirs of a heritage going back to the 1800s, though the people they "targeted" did. Their successors, the GenXers, products of post-modernism and inheritors of Boomer structures, face a region experiencing both increased political frustration and the re-emergence of Islam as a socio-political power. In closing we look at Church-centered New Testament spirituality as a foundational paradigm for further missions to the region. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

Le hizb Al-Wasat (parti du centre) a été fondé en 1996 par des Frères musulmans égyptiens dissidents. Son existence n'ayant jamais été reconnue par la Commission des partis, il appartient depuis 14 ans à la catégorie des partis taht al-tâ'sîs (en voie d'institutionnalisation). L'objectif de cette thèse est de comprendre comment les membres du Wasat s'efforcent d'avancer vers leur objectif – devenir des professionnels de la politique – avec peu de moyens et une marge d'action légale très réduite pour les organisations appartenant à cette catégorie.Ce travail s'appuie principalement sur deux corpus : une série de 29 entretiens menés au Caire au printemps 2008 avec la quasi-totalité des membres du Comité exécutif du Wasat et avec des membres d'autres mouvements d'opposition, et la « série textuelle chronologique » constituée par les quatre programmes du Wasat tels qu'ils ont été présentés lors de chaque saisine de la Commission des partis (1996, 1998, 2004 et 2009). Si ce dernier corpus se prête à une analyse lexicométrique, les travaux résultants de la transcription des entretiens – du fait de leur hétérogénéité – ont dû faire l'objet d'une catégorisation. Ce sont les données catégorisées qui ont ensuite été quantifiées et traitées statistiquement.Cette étude montre que le Wasat a évolué tant au niveau de la composition lexicale de ses énoncés programmatiques (passage d'un discours militant à un discours technocratique) que dans sa composition (aux militants fréristes des débuts sont venus s'adjoindre de nouveaux membres présentant des trajectoires militantes très différentes de celles des fondateurs). Par ailleurs, le Wasat a su se ménager une place dans un espace situé aux frontières des champs politique et intellectuel, notamment à travers les relations entretenues avec les intellectuels de la Wasatiya. Enfin, les membres de ce parti se sont insérés dans les réseaux de l'opposition égyptienne, et jouent un rôle dans son animation. / Hizb Al-Wasat (the Center party) was founded in 1996 in Egypt by a group of former Muslim Brothers. Since it has never been formally accepted by the Party committee, it spent the 14 last years as a taht al-tâ'sîs (waiting for institutionalization) party. The objective of this thesis is to understand how the Wasat members are trying to achieve their goals – becoming professional politicians – with a little legal margin due to their taht al-tâ'sîs situation.This work is mainly relying on two corpuses: 29 interviews done in Cairo during the spring of 2008 with almost all the members of the Wasat executive committee and with several members of other opponent organizations, and the “chronological textual series” compounded of the four Wasat programs, as they have been presented to the Party committee for each of its case submissions (1996, 1998, 2004 and 2009). This last corpus has been studied through a lexicometric analysis. But the transcripts of the interviews – due to their heterogeneity – have first been translated into French, and then been categorized. Lastly, the categorized data have been studied by the means of statistics.Results of this study are showing that the semantic field of the Wasat program evolved since the beginning (from a militant to a technocratic discourse), as well as its membership (it attracted new members, with a different political background from founders). In addition, Wasat members succeed to manage for themselves a place in a space located at the boundaries of the intellectual and the political fields, particularly through their relations with some Wasatiya intellectuals. Finally, this party members became a part of the Egyptian opposition network, inside which they are playing a leading role.

<p>This thesis argues that <i>Morituri</i> by Yasmina Khadra and <i>White Masks</i> by Elias Khoury use the genre of the detective novel as a pretext for social and political critique of Algeria and Lebanon respectively. This thesis links the generic (crime fiction) and the conceptual (Political and Social Critique in Modern Arab World). While the detective novel is traditionally thought of as a non-academic, entertaining part of popular culture, the use of the genre to critique the failure of nation building after colonization elevates the genre and transforms it from mere entertainment to a more serious genre. Both novels are emblematic of a shift in the use of the detective and crime novel to address the political disarray in their respective states and the Arab world as a whole. As modern examples of detective novels in the modern Arab world, <i>Morituri</i> and <i>White Masks</i> transform the genre through their complex interweaving of aspects of the popular genre of detective fiction with the more serious political novel. The historical and political context of both countries at the time of the novels’ settings are an intrinsic part of understanding the crimes and the obfuscation of the perpetrator. In both of these novels, the technical and generic aspects are connected to the thematic, and the detective novel structure is not just there for suspense and entertainment. Instead, this structure points to the neocolonial system, benefitting the most powerful and the most affluent at the expense of the weak, poor, and disadvantaged.</p>

La franc-maçonnerie apparaît être, dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle et au début du XXe, un élément essentiel du développement intellectuel et culturel du Bilâd al-Shâm. Ses membres sont impliqués dans le mouvement de renaissance intellectuelle Nahda, qui profite de l’ère politique nouvelle de l’Empire ottoman ouverte par les tanzimat. Dans ce contexte, les conflits religieux continuent d’agiter une société confessionnalisée, que les francs-maçons entraînent dans la voie du progrès, de la modernité et de la laïcité. Dans la 1e partie de la thèse, on présente la franc-maçonnerie dans sa réalité concrète à Beyrouth et au Mont Liban, prenant pour modèles deux loges, Palestine et Le Liban, mais aussi dans sa dimension spirituelle. Le processus d’intégration de la franc-maçonnerie et d’inculturation dans le milieu arabe est souligné, de même que le rôle que les francs-maçons font jouer à la Société Scientifique Syrienne. L’émir Muhammad Arslan, franc-maçon et réformateur, est présentée en tant qu’exemple d’une Aufklärung arabe. La 2e partie de la thèse montre le dialogue stérile entre francs-maçons et jésuites en Syrie ottomane. Le jugement sur l’entrée des croyants en franc-maçonnerie que porte un savant musulman, est présenté à partir de l’étude du premier manuscrit en arabe qui en traite. La thèse fait appel à divers témoignages publiés de contemporains, mais aussi à des manuscrits conservés dans des archives publiques et privées. Plusieurs d’entre eux sont utilisés pour la première fois, tel le plus ancien rituel maçonnique en langue arabe, le règlement intérieur de la première loge de Beyrouth ou les statuts inédits de la Société Scientifique Syrienne fondée par les francs-maçons. La recherche conduit ainsi à relever de quelle manière la franc-maçonnerie au cœur de débats, a proposé un modèle de société qui apparaît davantage méta-religieux qu’areligieux ou antireligieux. Cette société est celle où peut vivre désaliéné quiconque aspire au progrès et à la modernité. / Freemasonry appears to be in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries, an essential part of the cultural development of Bilâd al-Shâm. Its members were involved in the intellectual movement revival "Nahda", which itself has been able to take advantage of the new political era of the Ottoman Empire opened by the Tanzimat. Religious conflicts continued to wave a confessional society. The Freemasons led it in the path of progress, modernity and secularism. In the 1st part of the thesis, we present Freemasonry in its concrete reality in Beirut and Mount Lebanon, through two lodges, Palestine and Le Liban, but also in its spiritual dimension. The integration and the Arabization process is emphasized by Freemasonry through the use of the ritual, and in the role that Freemasons played in the constitution of the Syrian Scientific Society in Beirut. A personality of rare diplomacy and knowledge, Emir Muhammad Arslan, Freemason and reformer, is presented as an example of an Arab intellectual. The 2nd part shows the fruitless dialogue between the Freemasons and the Jesuits in Ottoman Syria. The case of the Wandering Jew is an emblematic episode in the struggle for secularism led by Freemasons. Also we present the 1st manuscript written in Arabic in the Ottoman Empire by a Muslim scholar. The thesis uses various published testimonies of contemporaries, but is also based on manuscripts kept in public and private archives. Some of them, which have never been used so far, such as the oldest Masonic ritual in Arabic, provide a new light on the beginning of Freemasonry in Beirut and on its impact in the history of Ottoman Syria. The research concludes how Freemasonry at the heart of debates, was able to propose a new model of society that seems more meta-religious than non-religious or anti-religious. This is the new society, in which every human being is able to yearn for freedom and aspire to progress and modernity.

This study examines discursive assessment practices in a special school for girls identified with a disability in an Arabian-Gulf country. The study is driven by a notable absence of research on girls with disability in the Arab world, and the need for analysing practices that shape their identities and future trajectories. To disclose the mechanisms, processes, and tools influencing the coconstruction of girls' identities by members of a multidisciplinary team, I developed an analytic framework that draws on three theories: systemic functional linguistics, critical genre analysis and sociocultural theory of discourse and identity production. The main data source is the audio-record of conversations that took place at case-conference meetings (CCMs). To describe the genre of a CCM and to disclose what went on, who was involved, and what outcomes were achieved, I constructed three narratives: 'The most relevant thing about us', 'Much ado about everything', and 'Not so great expectations'. These narratives revealed the object, goals, and the outcomes of talk. With respect to the object of talk, or the knowledge underpinning assessment practices, there was much focus on girls' diagnostic histories and scores in IQ tests; they were given a high priority and perceived as key to understanding the girls. Analysis also revealed a resistance to move beyond dichotomous thinking (i.e. girls are either trainable or educable). The goals of talk were to pass on information, to share assessment results, and to list objectives for intervention, each practitioner within her domain of expertise. This mode of passing on - rather than - discussing information and assessment results limited the prospect to benefit from the distributed knowledge of practitioners. The outcomes of talk were mediated by the two preceding discursive actions. A preoccupation with girls' medical diagnosis, and a focus on passing on rather than discussing assessment reinforced deficit thinking. Further, categories assigned to girls stood as self-fulfilling prophesies, and as predictors of girls' future performance. The space to create more positive identities was evident, however, where practitioners knew little about girls' genetic or developmental disabilities. The implications of these objectifying practices are serious with respect to Gulf-Arabian countries and to similar Muslim sociocultural contexts. Perceiving diagnosis as the absolute truth feeds fatalistic beliefs further and results in inactivity and invisibility. Implications are offered for policy and practice and for future research.

This thesis investigates Swedish trade promotion in Lebanon from 1920 to 1975. The aim is to increase knowledge about how actors in a small open western economy tried to develop their economic interests in an emerging market characterized by great uncertainty. Here, the promising economic outlook coincided with a high degree of political instability. The study analyzes the interactions between Swedish trade related authorities, organizations and companies in their efforts to develop Swedish business interests in Lebanon: a developing country in a conflict-affected area with potentially large and emerging markets, where the cultural distance to Sweden was significant. In this study a model, which is known as the Uppsala model, forms an analytical interpretative framework for studying the actions and strategies of the trade related authorities and organizations despite the model's specific perspective on the establishment process of firms abroad. Based on the taxonomy, which is the basis of this interpretative model, this interpretative framwork has been possible to apply because of the assumed interactions between trade related authorities/organizations and companies when establishing commercial presence in new markets. The assumption is that the trade related authorities and organizations enhance for companies in various ways, while there is an economic-political interest that the state strives to reach by encouraging companies to set up business in new markets. By using this model, the events have been systematized through a historical generalization and periodization of Swedish trade promotion and organization. Added with the type of knowledge development that has taken place. In this way, the role of authorities and organizations in trade promotion and organizational build-up abroad has been highlighted. The results show that Swedish trade promotion attempts and organization in Lebanon took place in close cooperation with Swedish trade related authorities and organizations through their information inflows. In practice the companies' needs for information and assistance were reflected in the work that has been exercised by the authorities and organizations. By playing an important role in information building, escalating network positions and at the same time providing the companies with specific information, the trade related authorities and organizations became key actors in the development of Swedish trade relations with Lebanon. The study concludes that new perspectives can be obtained by including trade related authorities and organizations when using the Uppsala model in future studies. / Denna avhandling studerar svenska handelsfrämjande åtgärder i Libanon 1920-1975. Syftet är att öka kunskapen om hur aktörer i en liten öppen västekonomi försökte utveckla sina ekonomiska intressen på en ny framväxande marknad präglad av stor osäkerhet, där lovande ekonomiska utsikter sammanföll med en hög grad av politisk instabilitet. I studien analyseras samspelet mellan svenska handelsrelaterade myndigheter, organisationer och företag i deras strävan att utveckla svenska handels- och affärsintressen i Libanon: ett land som betraktas här som ett utvecklingsland i ett konfliktdrabbat område med potentiellt stora och nya marknader med ett betydande kulturellt avstånd till Sverige. I studien utgör den så kallade Uppsalamodellen den analytiska tolkningsramen för att studera myndigheternas och intresseorganisationernas agerande och strategier, trots att modellens perspektiv bygger på företagens utlandsetablering. Med utgångspunkt i den taxonomi som är grunden i modellen har denna tolkningsram varit möjlig på grund av det samspel som antas finnas mellan företag och myndigheter, särskilt när det gäller etablerandet av en affärsmässig närvaro på en ny och osäker marknad. Antaganden är att myndigheterna på olika sätt underlättar för företagen, samtidigt som det finns ett statligt ekonomisk-politiskt intresse att få företag att etablera sig på nya marknader. Med hjälp av modellen har händelseförloppen systematiserats genom en historisk generalisering och periodisering av svenska handelsfrämjande åtgärder med avseende på organisation och den typ av kunskapsuppbyggnad som skett. Därmed belyses också myndigheternas och organisationernas roll vid företagsetableringar i utlandet. Resultaten visar att företagsetableringsförsöken och organisationen av svensk handel i Libanon skedde i nära samarbete mellan svenska myndigheter och organisationer genom utbyte av information. I praktiken avspeglades företagens behov av information och hjälp i myndigheternas och organisationernas arbete. I och med att myndigheterna/organisationerna deltog i informationsuppbyggnaden, skapandet av nätverkspositioner och samtidigt förmedlade information mellan företagen var dessa betingade som centrala aktörer vid etableringen av svenska handelsförbindelser med Libanon. Studiens slutsats är att nya perspektiv gällande företagsetableringar på utländska marknader kan erhållas genom att inkludera myndigheters och organisationers agerande vid tillämpningen av Uppsala modellen i framtida studier.

L’essor des chaînes satellitaires arabes à l’échelle régionale et mondiale a métamorphosé l’espace médiatique arabe. Le début des années 1990 annonce la mondialisation, et l’acquisition de la technologie satellitaire dans les pays arabes semble être le début d’une nouvelle ère dans une région où se conjuguent la rentabilité financière et l’influence politique et idéologique des acteurs. Les chaînes de télévisions d’information en continu sont le modèle approprié qui traduit ce schéma dans une région politiquement, économiquement et culturellement complexe. C’est l’avènement d’Al Jazeera et sa couverture de la guerre en Afghanistan en 2001 et par la suite la guerre en Irak en 2003 qui a bien façonné une large proportion de l’opinion publique arabe. D’autres chaînes arabes du même genre en quête d’influence se sont multipliées en un temps record dans cet espace médiatique, telles qu’Al Arabiya, Al Manar, ONTV, Al Mayadeen et d’autres, le transformant ainsi de façon radicale. L’audience arabe est également convoitée par des chaînes occidentales arabophones financées par les gouvernements respectifs de leurs pays comme la chaîne américaine Al Hurra, française France 24, britannique la BBC Arabic ou allemande DW . L’étude porte sur le rôle de ces chaînes d’information dans les changements qu’a connus et connait à l’heure actuelle la région du Moyen Orient, et leur degré d’engagement pour la diffusion et l’ancrage des valeurs et pratiques démocratiques. Dans quelle mesure les métamorphoses propres de ces chaînes sont susceptibles de révéler les transformations les plus profondes des sociétés arabes? L’objet de cette recherche est de saisir les modalités de l’avènement des chaînes de télévisions d’information en continu, de définir les objectifs de leur création et d’identifier les acteurs de toute sorte afin d’en discerner les conséquences sur le plan médiatique et géopolitique. / The Arab TV satellite channels’ growth at the regional and global scale metamorphosed Arabic media space. The early 90s impulse globalization and satellite technologies’ acquisition by Arab countries seems to be the beginning of a new era in this region where combined financial profitability, political influence and ideological actors. TV Channels rolling news and continuously broadcast information are the appropriate model that reflects this scheme in a region politically, economically and culturally so complex and mostly complicated. It is the advent of the Arab TV channel Al Jazeera and its Afghanistan war coverage in 2001 and thereafter the Iraq war in 2003 that have shaped a huge proportion of Arab public opinion. Other TV channels of the same kind are multiplied and diversified in a record time, such as Al Arabiya, Al Manar, ONTV, Al Mayadeen, etc. Arabic audience is also coveted by Western Arabic TV channels financed by western countries and their governments, such as the U.S. channel Al Hurra, French once 24 French, British one BBC Arabic or the German one DW. The study focuses on the role of the TV channels specialized on news in r evolutions known and continuously know at present the Middle East region.What is the degree of their commitment to broadcasting and anchoring universal values and democratic practices? What is the degree of influence may reveal changes in the Arab societies? The purpose of this research is to understand how the advent of TV Channels rolling news, set goals, and identify actors in order to recognize the consequences over the media plans and geopolitical perspectives.