L’Arménie se situe dans la zone de collision entre Arabie et Eurasie et est le siège d’une déformation intracontinental active comme l’atteste les nombreux tremblements de terre historiques qui s’y sont produits. Tous ces séismes, destructeurs, attestent d’une forte activité sismique régionale, et il est par conséquent important d'évaluer l’aléa sismique associé aux structures actives qui génère cette sismicité.Le travail présenté ici, expose les résultats de l’analyse de la tectonique active au niveau des terminaisons nord-ouest et sud-est de la faille de Pambak-Sevan-Syunik (PSSF), une des failles décrochant majeure qui traverse l'Arménie du NW au SE. La quantification des déformations en termes de géométrie, cinématique, vitesse de glissement et paléosismicité, en utilisant les méthodes de datation 3He cosmogénique, OSL/IRSL et radiocarbone, révèlent des comportements différents entre les deux régions.Au niveau de la terminaison nord-ouest, dans la région d’Amassia, la faille PSSF s’incurve vers l'ouest et se subdivise en deux branches de direction WNW-ESE, et de cinématique inverse, définissant une structure en pop-up. Nous estimons une vitesse de soulèvement de 0.5 ± 0.1 mm/an et une vitesse de raccourcissement NNE-SSW de 1.4 ± 0.6 mm/an. Ces résultats suggère que l’essentiel des ~2 mm/an de mouvement dextre estimés le long de la faille de PSSF sont absorbés au niveau du pop-up d’Amassia.Au niveau de la terminaison sud-est, dans la région du volcan Tsghuk, la faille PSSF semble disparaitre. Le peu d’activité tectonique est caractérisée par des failles normales sub-méridiennes associées à une légère composante décrochant dextre. Nous déterminons une vitesse de glissement vertical de ~0,2 mm/an, une vitesse d’extension ~EW de ~0,1 mm/an associée à une composante dextre de ~0,05 mm/an. Ces résultats suggèrent que le mouvement dextre observé le long de la faille de PSSF plus au nord, a été transféré sur d'autres failles plus à l'ouest dans le Karabakh (faille Hagari ou autres structures situés encore plus au NW). / The territory of Armenia was located in the collision zone between Arabia and Eurasia, and is the seat of active intercontinental deformations, which was attested by the many historical earthquakes that have occurred in this region. All these destructive earthquakes show a strong regional seismic activity, and therefore it is important to evaluate the seismic hazard associated with active structures that generates this seismicity.This study presents the results of the analysis of the active tectonics within the northwestern and southeastern extensions of the Pambak-Sevan-Syunik fault (PSSF), a major right-lateral strike-slip fault cutting through Armenia (NW - SE). Quantifying the deformations in terms of geometry, kinematics, slip rates and earthquake activity, using cosmogenic 3He, OSL/IRSL and radiocarbon dating techniques, reveal different behaviors between the two regions.Within the northwestern extension, in the region of Amassia, the PSSF bends to the west and splits into two main WNW-ESE trending reverse faults defining a compressional pop-up structure. We estimate an uplift rate and a shortening rate of 0.5 ± 0.1 mm/y and 1.4 ± 0.6 mm/y, respectively. This suggests that most of the ~2 mm/y right lateral movement of the PSSF seems to be absorbed within the Amasia pop-structure.Within the southeastern extension, in the region of Tsghuk volcano, the PSSF shows signs of dying out at the southernmost tip of the Syunik graben. A very slow NS trending normal faulting associated with a slight right-lateral movement characterizes the tectonic activity in the region of Tsghuk volcano. We estimate vertical slip rates, EW stretching rate, and right-lateral slip rate of ~0.2 mm/y, ~0.1 mm/y and ~0.05 mm/y, respectively. These results lead to the conclusion that the right lateral movement observed further north along the PSSF is mainly transferred within other active faults further west within the Karabagh (Hagari fault or other structures further northwestwards).

Esta dissertação de início trata das particularidades do processo de mobilização pelo trabalho da imigração armênia no Distrito de Presidente Altino, localizado no município de Osasco, em relação com a capital paulista. Esse processo tem como referencial histórico de mobilização o Genocídio Armênio perpetrado pelo Império Otomano durante a Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918), intepretada aqui a partir da mobilização geral (Gaudemar, 1981), momento histórico em que todos os esforços estão voltados para a produção, fazendo da guerra uma constante necessária à acumulação de capitais. Tentamos problematizar os desdobramentos históricos da relação social capitalista que foram transformando os sentidos da acumulação de capitais ao longo do século XX, bem como a dinâmica das personificações daí resultantes, até o contemporâneo capitalismo baseado na reprodução ficctícia do valor. Partindo da pesquisa histórica de trajetórias de mobilização aliada a observações feitas em trabalhos de campo, foram realizadas viagens à Argentina, Uruguai no intuito de apresentar as contradições perceptíveis entre a identidade armênia dessas localidades visitadas e a identidade observada em viagem à Armênia. / This dissertation deals with the particularities of the process of mobilization for the work of Armenian immigration in the District of Presidente Altino, located in the municipality of Osasco, in relation to the capital of São Paulo. This process has as a historical reference for mobilization the Armenian Genocide perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire during World War I (1914-1918), interpreted here using the concept of general mobilization (Gaudemar, 1981), historical moment in which all the efforts are directed to the production, requiring constant war to the accumulation of capital. We have tried to problematize the historical unfoldings of the capitalist social relationship that have been transforming the meanings of capital accumulation throughout the twentieth century, as well as the dynamics of the personifications resulting therefrom reaching the contemporary capitalism based on the fictional reproduction of value. Starting from the historical research of mobilization trajectories allied to observations made in field research. Travels were made to Argentina, Uruguay in order to present the perceptible contradictions between the Armenian identity of these visited localities and the identity observed during the travel to Armenia.

This master thesis is devoted to an analysis of causes and development of the Armenian Genocide (1915 - 1916) on a central and also on a provincial level. A first part of this thesis examines the phenomenon generally from perspective of political and social history. The key element of used interpretation is emergence of a conflict environment in a process modernization that made the genocide possible. In this context my thesis emphasise role of making of modern political parties, switching from dynastic concept of legitimacy of power to ethno-democratic based conception, and brutalization of public space caused by international conflicts. After the analysis of decision making process the text also presents the general developments of the "Great Disaster" with emphasis on actions taken by the central government in Istanbul. The second part of the work is dealing with ways in which the genocidal policy was introduced into praxis in provincial towns Mezreh and Harpoot. This section is largely build up on the primary sources left by local community of missionaries and American consul. The process of extermination and deportation in a significant way enhanced by a collapse of mutual thrust between the Armenian and the Muslim communities in the towns after searching for arms and arrests of Armenian...

La Cilicie – improprement appelée «Petite Arménie » - est un État, qui a eu une histoire riche mais relativement courte (fin XIe - fin XIVe siècle). La principauté roubênienne de Cilicie (à partir de 1198 – un royaume) se trouve dans le sud-est de l'Asie Mineure.Disposée à la croisée des voies commerciales et stratégiques, la Cilicie est la zone charnière et pratiquement incontournable entre l'Europe méditerranéenne et le Proche-Orient. La Cilicie arménienne - un État plus ou moins de issu de migrations forcées – affronta tout au long de son existence des attaques, voire des invasions innombrables.Au long de son histoire trois fois séculaire, elle fut exposée aux attaques venant de divers côtés: Europe, Byzance, sultanat de Roûm, émirats syriens et Égypte ayyoûbide, puis, surtout, mameloûke. Pendant toute son existence, la Cilicie essaie de maintenir son indépendance et de défendre son territoire contre les envahisseurs. Ainsi, l'Art militaire (stratégie, tactique, armement, composition de l'armée etc.) des Arméniens de Cilicie, ainsi que leur idée national se développe avec l'esprit de défense.La défense, ou stratégie défensive, constitue, avec l'offensive, l'une des deux formes principales de la stratégie opérationnelle. Elle implique une posture de résistance utilisant l'ensemble des moyens d'interdiction de l'action adverse. Bien qu'elle ait recours à l'ensemble des fonctions tactiques nécessaires à la réalisation des opérations militaires (contre-attaque, raid, offensive), c'est à la protection qu'elle confère le rôle majeur. Le choix stratégique d'une posture défensive détermine les modalités d'engagement pour chacune des dimensions : opérations, bataille, combat et chacun des éléments de la guerre.L'étude de la défense de l'Arménie cilicienne est un sujet novateur. Avec le plan de la recherche bien développé, nous avons tenté d'étudier non seulement l'histoire militaire de la Cilicie, mais aussi son contexte sociale et politique, les détailles techniques et le rôle de l'église dans l'affaire militaire.Pour notre recherche nous avons exploité de nombreuses sources d'origines diverses. En effet, outre les sources arméniennes, nous avons examiné les sources latines, grecques, arabes, syriaques (pour les deux dernières en traduction). Seule, la méthode de croisement des sources et de comparaison des traditions militaires nous a permis de compléter les lacunes de l'information nous fait espérer que nous sommes parvenue à des conclusions novatrices.Le dépouillement des sources nous a permis de commencer à traiter certains points jamais étudiés, par exemple le costume et l'armement d'un combattant arméno-cilicien (y compris l'utilisation et la typologie des armes blanches), la stratégie et la tactique dans l'armée cilicienne, la poliorcétique et les machines de siège. D'autres thèmes (comme pendant la période de la Reconquête byzantine), peu étudiés jusqu'ici, ont également été traités, comme l'espionnage en Cilicie, ou encore la guerre navale conduite par les Arméniens ciliciens. Parmi les autres questions, le rôle de l'Eglise dans l'armée arménienne est également abordé.La nouveauté de notre thèse consiste peut-être dans la méthode appliquée. Dans notre recherche, nous avons essayé non seulement de déterminer les éléments historiques (les rencontres et les batailles) mais aussi de développer la problématique qui existe autour de ces conflits, en cherchant à trouver leurs racines. En nous posant les questions comment ? et pour quel but ?, nous pouvons livrer beaucoup plus d'informations et, ainsi, nous arrivons à expliquer les événements historiques du point de vue militaire. / Cilicia - also known as the Cilician Armenia, Kingdom of Cilician Armenia, Kingdom of Cilicia or New Armenia - was a medieval State, which had a rich, but relatively short history (from the end of XI till late fourteenth century). The principality of Armenian princes' roubênienne of Cilicia (from 1198 - a kingdom) was located in the southeast of Asia Minor.Placed at the intersection of commercial and strategic roads, Cilicia was an unavoidable area between Mediterranean Europe and the Middle East. Throughout its existence Armenian Cilicia - a state formed more or less from forced migration - faced attacks or numerous invasions.Throughout a history spanning across three centuries, Cilicia was exposed to attacks from various sides: Europe, Byzantium, Sultanate of Rum, Ayyubid emirates, Egypt and Syria, and, above all, Mamluk. In the period of three centuries Cilicia tries to maintain its independence and defend its own territory against invaders. Thus, the Military Art of the Armenians of Cilicia (tactical strategy, weaponry, composition of the army etc.), and their national idea develops with spirit of defense.Defense, or defensive strategy, along with the offensive, is one of the two main forms of military strategy. It involves a posture of resistance using all the means for preventing the opposing action. Event that the defensive strategy uses all tactical functions necessary to achieve the military conflict (against attack, raid, offensive), that is the defense it gives the major role. The strategic choice of a defensive posture determines all dimensions or military Art of Cilicians: operations, battle and each element of the war.The study of the defense of Cilician Armenia is an innovative topic. We tried to study not only the military history of Cilicia, but also its social and political context, the technical details as and the role of the church in the military case.For our research we used many different original sources. In fact, besides the Armenian sources, we examined the Latin, Greek, Arabic, Syriac (the last two in translation) texts. Only the method of crossing of sources and comparing military traditions gave us hope that we have succeeded in innovative conclusions.This method has allowed us to instigate some issues never discussed, for example the armor and weapons of Cilician Armenian fighter (including the use and types of knives), strategy and tactics in the Cilician army, siege warfare and siege machines. We also treated other topics such as espionage in Cilicia, or naval warfare conducted by the Cilician Armenians. Among other questions, the role of the Church in the Armenian army is also discussed.The method applied in our research is perhaps the novelty of this work. In our investigation, we tried not only to determine the historical events (encounters and battles) but also to develop the problem that exists around these conflicts, trying to find their origins. By asking the questions how? and for what?, we can deliver a lot more information, and thus we can explain the historical events from a military point of view.

This study is about how the parliamentary parties in Sweden has debated about the Armenian genocide 1915. The overall purpose is to increase the understanding of the underlying reasons why parties in the parliament, whose political program is both interested in immigrant groups but not, choose to argue for a recognition of the Armenian genocide over the years. The study uses two theories, ethnicity and nationalism where the focus is on nationalism which is about what is characterized as nationalism and whether the members of the Swedish parliament can relate to this. The second theory is the use of history, where the purpose is to find out how the members use history in different ways. It has also been analyzed how recurring the Armenian question is in the Swedish parliament. The interesting results are that politicians believe that nationalism was a contributing factor to the outbreak of the Armenian genocide. Nevertheless, they even use history in different ways when they are debating about this historical event. You also get an insight into how the recurring issue has been discussed in the parliament in more depth in the study.

The thesis analyses Russian economic statecraft in relation to Armenia. The thesis is focused on two areas, namely the Russian response to the foreign policy orientation of Armenia and its significant internal political changes. The aim of the thesis is to compare the extent to which Russia uses economic mechanisms on both levels. The thesis draws on Baldwin's concept of economic statecraft, focusing on the Russian "carrot and stick" policy. In the foreign policy area, the economic tools that Russia used in attempt to influence Armenia's decision in its dilemma between European and Eurasian integration are analysed. In the internal policy area, the thesis is focused on major events from 2015 to 2018, which to some extent also affected the Russian side. Positive incentives and coercive methods applied by Russia during this period are also examined. An analysis of the Russian "carrot and stick" policy has pointed out that Moscow is more strongly involved in foreign policy of Armenia if it feels an immediate threat to its interests. Russia applies positive incentives in situations when it needs to reduce internal tensions in Armenia, which may also be directed against Moscow. If there are major internal political changes in this South Caucasus republic, yet without serious foreign policy implications,...

This thesis explores the Armenian diaspora’s behavior concerning the issue of recognition of the Armenian genocide through lobbying within the US and EU. The purpose of this paper is, therefore, to grasp a deepened understanding of diasporic lobbying, while focusing on the Armenian case, as a case enabling further scholarly deepening for the field of IR. In order to achieve an understanding of the Armenian diaspora, the appropriated behavior through lobbying and the trajectorial changes concerning the recognition of the Armenian genocide, the paper puts forward historical process tracing, comparative research and qualitative content analysis. These methods are utilized as a means for tracing the events contributing to the construction of the diaspora. They also establish the lobby’s influence on ‘host-states’ and the understanding of internalized norms granting policy changes for the cause of recognizing the Armenian genocide, this is done through the concepts of identity, norms and recognition.

My research is focused on the relation between the foreign policy vector and national identity as projected by Armenia’s Prime Minister (PM) Nikol Pashinyan in the public sphere. This study is a search for expressions of ‘sameness’ and allegiance in the geopolitical balancing and reconstruction of Armenia’s foreign policy narrative, ideology and identity.  The work entails an exploration of how Armenia’s relations to the EU, France, Iran, Russia, and the US are being projected through the Prime Minister’s Twitter account from 2018 through 2022. A quantitative and qualitative (discourse) analysis of PM Pashinyan’s tweets through these five years indicated that references to Russia predominantly have contents and direct contextual links to the sphere of security and defence. There is an absence of positive tonality toward Russia following Armenia’s war with Azerbaijan in 2020 and the Russia-brokered ceasefire agreement. In contrast, during the whole five-year period France stands out as receiving unanimously positive remarks with content on various subjects. France stands out as being referred to the most in values and ideology. The EU, US and Iran all feature less than Russia and France. Posts with the US mentioned are in the sphere of external relations and in connection with the Armenian diaspora. The Armenian communities in Iran are also subject of a number of tweets. Many Twitter posts referring to Armenian-Iranian state relations include references to shared history and heritage. In summary, my analysis illustrates a foreign policy engagement towards the West from PM Pashinyan. However, his tweets also acknowledge the strong ties to Russia in security and defence and the deep heritage shared with Iran.

This research shows that the expansion of cooperative education programs and university-industry partnerships can help to address some of the problems that engineering education in Armenia is facing today. These problems include lack of connections between universities and industry, outdated curricula, shortages of funding for university staff and facilities, and limited success in helping students qualify for job-related demands of the global economy. In order to identify requirements for developing effective cooperative education programs in Armenia, this study analyzes the characteristics and features of highly successful cooperative education programs in the United States that might be applicable to the requirements of Armenian engineering education programs. The lessons learned from international best practices of cooperative education in this research, provide guidelines that can be used to expand cooperative education programs in Armenian engineering education.

Since 1988, the states of Armenia and Azerbaijan have been engaged in conflict over the enclave of Nagorno Karabakh. The conflict has developed into one of the most intractable and complicated disputes in the international arena, with the main parties being the two rivalling sovereign states plus the ¿unrecognised state¿ of Nagorno Karabakh. Despite the optimistic statements and claims by the OSCE and after many years of negotiations and talks, the peace process remains in stalemate. The research argues the virtues of Track Two diplomacy and highlights the successful instances where it has made important contributions to the ¿official¿ or Track One diplomatic process. It also explores the potential of a ¿no war no peace¿ situation by discerning the factors influencing the progress of the conflict. The research shows that a deeper understanding of the obstacles to peace is achieved by appreciating the significance of historical events as well as recognising the motives and interests of the different parties. The study reviews all major factors which have led to the failure of resolution efforts, particular the negative role played by Russia. It concludes that the scholars in the field of conflict resolution can bring about a lasting peace to this region, provided there is a fundamental change in the structure of the co-chairs of the OSCE.