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The domestic and geopolitical disaster of the Vietnam War, and the process that took the United States into such a large-scale and protracted conflict, led Congress to reinforce its checks on executive war powers. The resulting War Powers Resolution (WPR) sought to inject Congress back into the decision-making process, yet no President has ever acknowledged its constitutionality. The initial debates around the WPR revealed four major lines of argument on the balance of war powers; three of those continued to be made over the next 40 years, as Presidents from both political parties deployed U.S. forces abroad, often without Congressional authorization. This study analyzed the prevalence and distribution of those lines of argument in the U.S. Senate over the Republican Administration of President George W. Bush and the Democratic Administration of President Barack Obama. Both administrations were involved in multiple deployments of U.S. forces abroad, and experienced opposition from both parties. The study found that Democrats displayed consistency across both administrations, indicating a preference for institutional loyalty in supporting compliance with the WPR, whereas Republicans tended to support the status quo. In addition, the study found that Senators from both parties acknowledged the rapidly changing nature of warfare as new technologies mostly remove U.S. armed forces from harm's way even as they conduct lethal strikes. What effect this has on Congress's ability and willingness to further check executive war powers remains to be seen, but it is clear that the debate is far from over. / Master of Arts / The Vietnam War led Congress to reinforce its checks on executive war powers. The resulting War Powers Resolution (WPR) sought to inject Congress back into the decision-making process. The initial debates around the WPR revealed four major lines of argument on the balance of war powers; three of those continued to be made over the next 40 years. This study looked at those three lines of argument in the U.S. Senate over the Republican Administration of President George W. Bush and the Democratic Administration of President Barack Obama. The study found that Democrats consistently took a position that defended the powers of the Congress, whereas Republicans tended to support a status quo that deferred to the power of the President. In addition, the study found that Senators from both parties acknowledged the rapidly changing nature of warfare. What effect this has on Congress’s ability and willingness to further check executive war powers remains to be seen, but it is clear that the debate is far from over.

Cette thèse est composée de trois volumes : le mémoire principal et deux volumes d’annexes. Elle présente une étude comparée d’images (photographies, dessins de presse, cartes, publicités) parues dans L’Express et Le Nouvel Observateur depuis 1967 (guerre des Six Jours) à 1983 (élimination politique de Yasser Arafat de la scène proche-orientale). Il ne s’agit pas de réécrire une nouvelle histoire des relations israélo-palestiniennes mais plutôt de comprendre comment l’agencement de l’image dans l’article de presse oriente notre perception de l’information. Ainsi l’image instrumentalisée devient un outil indispensable non seulement pour critiquer l’attitude du gouvernement israélien mais aussi pour condamner le terrorisme palestinien. Nous avons dégagé huit objets iconographiques regroupés en deux catégories : « l’image-illustration », « l’image-message ». Nous avons analysé la place de l’image dans l’article, l’importance de l’agencement de celui-ci pour mettre en évidence les liens existant entre les différents objets le composant. Ces images, seules ou multiples et scénarisées, ne cessent d’interpeller sur le danger de la colonisation des territoires occupés. Elles dénoncent aussi l’inanité des actes terroristes. Par contre, elles célèbrent tout espoir de paix, si ténu soit-il. / This thesis is made up of three volumes : the main dissertation and two volumes of appendices. The study outlines a comparative study of images (photographs, sketches, maps, ads) published in L’Express and Le Nouvel Observateur, from 1967 (Six Day War) to 1983 (Yasser Arafat’s political demise on the Middle-Eastern stage). The intention is not to re-write the history of the Israeli-Palestinian relations, but rather to understand how images in the print media influence our perception of the information. The use of images thus become an essential tool, not only to criticize the Israeli Government’s attitude, but also to denounce Palestinian terrorism. We have selected eight iconographic objects which we further divided into two categories : "illustration-image″ and "message-image″. We have analyzed the place of the image in the article and the text relating to it in order to highlight the sum of the constituent parts. Such images, single or multiple and scripted, never cease to stress the dangers of the colonization of the occupied Territories. They also condemn the pointlessness of the terrorist acts. On the other hand, they celebrate every potential hope for peace, no matter how faint.

This thesis seeks to address the question: to what extent is the EU Directive on Antitrust Damages Actions sufficiently framed in its terms to achieve its underlying aims and objectives? It is argued that the Directive has one overriding goal: to make it easier for the victims of infringements of EU competition law - typically end-consumers - to claim compensation from the infringers. It is also argued that the authors of the Directive present a convincing case that one of the main reasons for the lack of victims claiming - let alone being awarded - compensation, prior to the adoption of the Directive, is weaknesses with the existing legal framework governing competition law damages actions at national level. The thesis examines four of the main areas covered by the Directive: disclosure of evidence; the effect of NCA decisions; limitation periods; and indirect purchaser standing and the passing-on defence. In each case, the relevant rules from the Directive are set out and an assessment is carried out. A crucial part of this assessment consists of seeking to ascertain the problems facing potential claimants prior to the adoption of the Directive and asking whether the Directive appears well-framed in terms of addressing those problems. As well as considering case law of the EU courts, the legal rules and jurisprudence of two leading Member States - the United Kingdom and Italy - are used as primary case studies in carrying out this assessment. The assessment of the measures considered in this thesis is a nuanced one. It is argued that the measures set out in Chapter II of the Directive on disclosure of evidence are generally well-framed and beneficial for claimants, crucially showing a keen understanding of the relationship between private and public enforcement. The assessment of Article 9, on the effect of NCA decisions is much less positive. It is argued that the measures are drafted in vague terms and compare unfavourably with existing rules and practices in the two case-study Member States. It is argued that while the measures set out in Article 10 on limitation periods do represent an improvement for claimants in certain respects, there are a number of key issues that they fail to address. Finally, the assessment of Articles 12 to 15 on indirect purchaser standing and the passing-on defence is positive in some respects, but it is argued that many of the measures do not adequately address the issues that they purport to tackle. It is also argued that these measures are unlikely to bear fruit, without certain issues which are not covered by the Directive, being addressed. Ultimately it is concluded that the Directive makes some important strides towards the realisation of its underlying aims and objectives, but that many of the measures examined are found to be too vague, too weak or too incomplete to fully address the key issues and that the Directive also fails to address some important issues at all.

En mandarin, les déterminants du nom, démonstratifs et numéraux, sont en général antéposés au nom. Le français requiert la présence de l’article, une catégorie grammaticale absente du système nominal du mandarin qui indique la quantification au travers de la présence de classificateurs nominaux. Sur le plan de la morphologie nominale, en mandarin, une langue isolante, le nom se construit préférablement par le biais de la composition de différent traits sémantiques, tandis qu’en français, considéré comme une langue flexionnelle, le nom se révèle être lui-même le sème. Le déterminant et le nom s’accordent en genre et en nombre, alors que le nom en mandarin chinois ne distingue pas le genre et que les indications du nombre se font uniquement au travers de la présence de classificateurs. Comprendre ces différences est essentiel à l’acquisition de ces deux langues. Afin de faciliter la compréhension des fonctions de ces phénomènes grammaticaux pour les apprenants, ce travail doctoral propose des analyses et explications permettant à l’apprenant de franchir favorablement le « seuil » de la détermination nominale. / In Mandarin Chinese, as in French, nominal determiners (demonstrative and numeral) precede in general the noun. French requires the presence of the article, a grammatical category that is not found in Mandarin Chinese. Rather, in Mandarin Chinese, quantification is carried out through the presence of noun classifiers. As for nominal morphology, in Mandarin Chinese, an isolating language, nouns are preferably formed through the composition of different semantic features. By contrast, in French, considered as mainly flexional, only the nominal root holds the semantic unit. In French, determiner and noun agree in gender and number, whereas in Mandarin Chinese, that does not distinguish gender, number is expressed by noun classifiers. Understanding these differences is essential to the acquisition of these two languages. In order to facilitate the understanding of the functions of these grammatical phenomena, this research proposes accurate analyses and explanations that allow second language learners to overcome more effectively the difficulties of nominal determination

Entre le 15 Juillet 1921 et le 30 Novembre 1923, Emilio Cecchi publie sur le quotidien «La Tribuna» 111 articles signés d’un pseudonyme: “Il tarlo”. Ces pièces sont incluses dans une rubrique de critique littéraire qui apparaît sous le titre d’ensemble de Libri nuovi e usati. Cecchi présente au lecteur les œuvres les plus variées de nombreux auteurs italiens et étrangers: beaucoup sont entrés fermement dans le canon. Le 2 Mars 1923, c’est “Il Tarlo” à parler pour la première fois en Italie de l’Ulysses de James Joyce. Les courts articles de critique littéraire, démontrent toute l’acuité de l’interprétation de Cecchi: avec un style toujours équilibré et soutenu par une maîtrise critique très consciente, il réalise un fresque très vif de la vie littéraire au lendemain de la Première Guerre Mondiale. Cette thèse est la publication intégrale des Libri nuovi e usati de Cecchi, avec une introduction, des notes explicatives détaillées et un index des noms. / Between 15th July 1921 and 30th November 1923, Emilio Cecchi published in the newspaper «La Tribuna» 111 articles signed with the pseudonym “Il tarlo”: they are the literary review entitled Libri nuovi e usati. Cecchi wrote about a lot of Italian and foreign books, many of whom are now firmly in the canon. Sometimes he recommended, for the first time in Italy, fondamental masterpieces: for example, on 2nd March 1923, he is the first italian critic who wrote about Ulysses by James Joyce. These short critical texts show Cecchi's interpretive acuity: with an always measured tone, he created a vivid survey of the Italian and foreign literary life after the end of the First World War. This thesis is the complete edition of the literary review, preceded by an introduction and accompanied by critical notes and a detailed index of names.

The aim of this thesis is to find an explanation of the obstacles to deploying Article 7 TEU measures as we see it today. This explanation will be sought in the events in this field starting from the formation of the provision, all the way up to this writing moment. The explanation will be searched for by using the research question: What in the process offorming and amending Article 7 TEU can explain the hesitancy and hardship to deploy the article today? Four hypotheses for explanations are identified; 1) Article 7 TEU is a political rather than legal provision, and is thus infiltrated with political subjectiveness rather than legal objective- ness, 2) lessons from the Haider affair have caused hesitancy, 3) adding intermediate steps and alternative procedures have weakened the nature of the provision, and 4) the nuclear notion has falsely created hesitancy to take action and oblivion of the softer mechanisms of the provision. This study concludes, that to fully understand the Article 7 TEU struggles as of today, both political implications, intermediate steps, alternative mechanisms and lessons from the Haider affair has to be taken into account. This com- plexity does then confirm the sufficiency of the explanation: Many factors has played a role in forming the hesitancy and hardship to deploy Article 7 TEU, but the intergovernmental and political nature of the provision explains why it still have not been fully implemented. This is although the scope and appli- cation of the provision fully fits the problems of democratic backsliding, that permeates some of the member states of the EU.

Le rôle intégratif que la Cour de justice des Communautés européennes (CJCE) a joué dans la construction européenne est bien connu et très documenté. Ce qui l'est moins ce sont les raisons qui l'ont motivé, et le motivent encore. Si certains se sont déjà penchés sur cette question, un aspect a néanmoins été complètement négligé, celui de l'influence qu'a pu avoir à cet égard le contexte conjoncturel sur la jurisprudence communautaire et plus précisément sur l'orientation que la Cour a choisi de lui donner. Dans ce cadre, les auditoires de la Cour ont un rôle déterminant. Pour s'assurer d'une bonne application de ses décisions, la Cour est en effet amenée à prendre en considération les attentes des États membres, des institutions européennes, de la communauté juridique (tribunaux nationaux, avocats généraux, doctrine et praticiens) et des ressortissants européens (citoyens et opérateurs économiques). Aussi, à la question du pourquoi la CJCE décide (ou non) d'intervenir, dans le domaine de la libre circulation des marchandises, en faveur de l'intégration économique européenne, j'avance l'hypothèse suivante: l'intervention de la Cour dépend d'une variable centrale : les auditoires, dont les attentes (et leur poids respectif) sont elles-mêmes déterminées par le contexte conjoncturel. L'objectif est de faire ressortir l'aspect plus idéologique de la prise de décision de la Cour, largement méconnu par la doctrine, et de démontrer que le caractère fluctuant de la jurisprudence communautaire dans ce domaine, et en particulier dans l'interprétation de l'article 28 du traité CE, s'explique par la prise en compte par la Cour des attentes de ses auditoires, lesquels ont majoritairement adhéré à l'idéologie néolibérale. Afin de mieux saisir le poids - variable - de chaque auditoire de la Cour, j'apprécierai, dans une première partie, le contexte conjoncturel de la construction européenne de 1990 à 2006 et notamment le virage néolibéral que celle-ci a opéré. L'étude des auditoires et de leur impact sur la jurisprudence fera l'objet de la seconde partie de ma thèse. Je montrerai ainsi que la jurisprudence communautaire est une jurisprudence « sous influence », essentiellement au service de la réalisation puis de l'approfondissement du marché intérieur européen. / The integrative role played by the Court of Justice of the European Communities (CJEC) in the construction of Europe is well known and documented. However the reasons that have motivated the CJEC in this role are far less known. Although some studies have been conducted on this topic, one aspect has been completely ignored: the influence of the conjunctural context on the European Community case law, and more precisely the orientation that the Court has chosen to give to the latter. Within this scope the Court's audiences play a determining role. To ensure that its decisions are well followed, the CJEC takes into consideration the expectations of the Member States, the European institutions, the judicial community (national tribunals, Advocates General, doctrine and practitioners), and the European citizens and economic operators. In regard to the question as to whether or not the CJEC decides to intervene in the domain of free movement of goods, in favour of the European economic integration, I argue the following hypothesis: the intervention of the Court depends on a central variable, that of the audiences, of which the expectations (and their relative weight) are determined by the conjunctural context. My objective is to point out the ideological aspects of the Court's decision making, mostly unknown to legal scholarship, and to demonstrate that the fluctuating character of case law in this domain, and more precisely in the interpretation of Article 28 of the CE Treaty, is explained by the Court’s taking into consideration the expectations of its audiences, which are mainly committed to the neoliberal ideology. In order to evaluate the varying weight of each audience of the CJEC, the first part of the thesis will delve into the conjunctural context and the European construction from 1990 to 2006 where in particular, we observe a turn towards neoliberalism. The study of the audiences and their impact on EC case law will be the subject of the second part of the thesis. I will show that this case law is "under influence", essentially to the service of the development and the strengthening of the European internal market.

THE OUTER SPACE TREATY IN THE CONTEXT OF 21ST CENTURY ABSTRACT The Outer Space Treaty is the fundamental legal document of space law and this year it celebrates 50 years since its adoption. Questions are being raised among the international community about the relevance of the Treaty in the context of 21st century mostly given the completely different conditions at the time of its adoption and at present. Reasons for such a debate is the current development in the field of space and technology, which is not covered by the Outer Space Treaty or any other relevant binding convention. New possibilities to explore space are emerging, especially among the private actors and activities vary given its nature, from commercial to military. And within the 50 years these new options also slowly contribute to serious environmental problems, which were not of such importance and priority as they are now. Besides these issues, the space law is characterized by its high fragmentation and no common standard for national legislation in this field. Given these challenges the scholars and specialist agree, that the contemporary legislation does not provide a necessary framework to ensure the peaceful use of space and its future safety. The question is, what future will have the Outer Space Treaty in context of the...