Konflikter i forna Jugoslavien har varit föremål för stor uppmärksamhet under det sista årtiondet. Kriget har väckt förvirring och hat. Inbördeskriget i Bosnien kan nog sägas vara ett av de mest brutala som någonsin ägt rum. Civilbefolkningen har i högsta grad drabbats i form av folkmord och etnisk rensning. För varje dag som går blir döden, misshandel, våldtäkt, tortyr och koncentrationsläger alltmer väldokumenterade i Bosnien. Som förklaring till kriget talas ibland om sekelgammalt hat som efter socialismens fall har brutit fram med full kraft, eller om aldrig helt läkta sår efter andra världskriget. Men bevisen pekar mot planerade folkmord på bosniska muslimer och kroater. Ingen skulle vara så naiv att tro att förbrytelser som de i Jugoslavien aldrig kommer att ske igen. Många söker förklaringar till grymheterna under krigen i forna Jugoslavien. Verkligheten är inte så enkel och därför är det viktigt att inte dela in den i rätt och fel, utan att förstå sammanhanget. Klar bild bakom krigets mörka murar och förvirring är den frågan som ska undersökas närmare i denna uppsats. Syftet med uppsatsen är att ge en historisk förklaring till kriget och att se om orsaken till kriget var religiös. Man kan inte utesluta ett samband mellan grymheterna under krigen och hur människor mått.

This thesis analyzes the political relations between Turkey and Albania in the post Cold War period. Political and diplomatic relations between Turkey and Albania based on mutual respect for territorial integrity and independence. This study analyzes the continuities and changes in the Turkish foreign policy towards Albania in the post Cold War era. Also changes and continuities in the Albanian foreign policy in the post Cold War period are scrutinized. This work examines the main Turkish foreign policy approaches towards Albania. Patterns of Turkish Balkan policy are examined to find out how Turkey constructed its foreign policy towards Albania after the end of Cold War. Turkey continued its traditional foreign policy according to realist and national interest-based foreign policy formulation. After 1990, Albania was in a period of a transition from its sui generis communist dictatorship regime under Enver Hoxha to an emerging democracy. Albania considered Turkey as a reliable ally in the Balkans. Turkey attached strong importance to stability and security in the Balkan region. Albania has significant role to play in Balkan region. Thus Turkey welcomed the Albanian decision on membership application to NATO and EU. Turkey tried to strength its bilateral relations with Albania and supported lbania&rsquo / s participation in regional and international organizations. This study focuses on the relations of Turkey and Albania within the framework of international and regional organizations.

La thèse propose une approche culturelle du phénomène de la migration albanaise fondée sur une méthodologie interdisciplinaire recourant à l’historiographie, l‘ethnomusicologie, l’anthropologie des émotions, l’anthropologie de la mémoire et de l‘absence. La recherche est basée sur un travail de terrain en Albanie du Sud, particulièrement entre 2007-2012 dans les régions où la tradition de chanter à plusieurs voix est encore vive. Le focus principal de ces missions fut les fêtes de villages pendant les Pâques et au mois d’août, occasion pour des milliers de migrants albanais d‘Italie et de Grèce de retourner dans leur village d’origine. La problématique principale de la thèse concerne les divers relations entre la migration vécue et imaginée et le chant. On a suivi les processus de création du chant et la „traduction“ de l’experience de migration en émotionnalité et en vocalité. A cette fin on a choisi une approche strictement émique en suivant les discours des chanteurs et les discussions entre ces derniers et leurs destinataires. Dans la discussion sur la „naissance du chant“ on a mis en évidence quelques concepts cruciaux indispensables à la création d’un chant d’exil (këngë kurbeti). C’est en premier lieu le concept de përjetoj („vivre l’experience“) qui rend possible et légitimise cet acte de création. Pendant la performance, deux autres concepts sont importants: „chanter la vérité“ et „pleurer en chantant“. Ont été cérnés les concepts émotionnels en usage en Albanie rurale, le développement historique du phénomène de la migration, la ritualité de la migration, et les processus de la mémorisation de la migration. Au centre de la thèse figurent les discours locaux et la performance de la musique en acte. / This thesis, based on extensive fieldwork in South Albania between 2007-2012, proposes a cultural, performance-centred approach for studying Albanian migration in past and present. Migration is discussed both as a lived reality and an imaginary representation. Local village feasts occupy a central place in this discussion as highly symbolic events in which the social and cultural shift between remaining villagers and returning migrants becomes prominently visible. This contradictory reality is approached by applying an anthropology of absence and by discussing migration as seen through local narratives. The notion of absence is of particular importance as it generates a spatial, social and sonic nostalgia (mall), which becomes prominently visible in everyday life. This nostalgia is not understood as a depressing mental state which impeeds action, but as mobilizing creative energy. The thesis examines the creative processes for „translating“ migration experience into an emotionalised vocality following a stricly emic approach. For local singers the concept of „living through“ (përjetoj) is central, as it provides them with the legitimacy to sing about it. This holds particularly true for migration songs (këngë kurbeti) which possess a vital social and emotional function. They contain elements of two juxtaposed categories: those of song (këngë) and those of lament (vajtim). What singers and audiences define as a migration song, is largely subjective and contextual. Consequently we propose to describe migration songs either as a hybrid repertoire or a „performative category“. The second term implies that the very meaning of the song is constructed in the moment of its performance.In a final part the multiple links between death and migration are discussed, exemplified by the tragedy of Otranto in 1997, an accident which caused the death of several migrants. Death as permanent absence, and migration as temporary absence considered as a metaphorical extension of death coincide here in an emblematic case. / Diese Promotion versucht, basierend auf ethnologischen Feldforschungen in Südalbanien zwischen 2007 und 2012, eine kulturelle Perspektive auf das Phänomen Migration in Albanien zu eröffnen. Dabei wird Migration sowohl als gelebte Alltagsrealität, als auch als eine mentale Konstruktion betrachtet. Lokale Dorffeste nehmen in dieser Diskussion als symbolisch besetze Orte der sozialen Auseinandersetzung über Konzepte wie Tradition, Modernität und Authentizität eine zentrale Rolle ein. Gleichzeitig werden in ihnen die sozialen und kulturellen Brüche zwischen verbliebener Dorfbevölkerung und den zu diesen Anlässen heimkehrenden Migranten sichtbar. Methodologisch wurde diese widersprüchliche Realität durch die „Anthropology of Absence“ einer näheren Untersuchung unterzogen. Zudem wurde Migration aus dem Blickwinkel individueller Narrative betrachtet. Das Konzept der „Abwesenheit“ ist für den Fall Albaniens von entscheidender Bedeutung, da es räumliche, soziale und klangliche Nostalgie (mall) definiert, die im Alltagsleben omnipräsent ist. Diese Nostalgie erweist sich nicht als hinderliches Element, sondern als eine Quelle der Inspiration für lokale Musiker. Sie aktiviert Prozesse der „Übersetzung“ von Migrationserfahrung in Emotionalität und in Gesangspraktiken. Für lokale Sänger steht beim Schaffensprozess das „durchleben“ (përjetoj) der Migrationserfahrung am Anfang eines Liedes. Diese Erfahrung verleiht ihnen die nötige Autorität um in authentischer Art und Weise über Migration zu singen. Das dabei entstehende Migrationslied (këngë kurbeti) besitzt wichtige emotionale und soziale Funktionen für die Dorfgemeinschaft, die in der Arbeit diskutiert werden. Musikalisch handelt es sich um ein Repertoire, das sich zwischen den grundsätzlich entgegengesetzten Polen von Lied (këngë) und Totenklage (vajtim) bewegt. Aus der vergleichenden Analyse von verschiedenen Aufführungskontexten für Migrationslieder geht hervor, dass die Einordnung eines Liedes als Migrationslied von subjektiven Perspektiven und dem jeweiligen Aufführungskontext abhängig ist. Der Begriff „performative category“ wird daher vorgeschlagen um diese Gruppe von Liedern näher zu definieren.Im abschließenden Teil werden die engen Beziehungen zwischen Tod und Migration als Formen der permanenten bzw. temporären Abwesenheit am Beispiel der Tragödie von Otranto 1997 untersucht. Die Koinzidenz von Migration und Tod führte in diesem Fall zu einer kulturellen Reaktion und zur Schaffung zahlreicher Lieder, in denen sich Migration als „nationale Mythengeschichte“ wiederfindet.

The aim of this work was to describe the spatial distribution of genetic variability of the northern white-breasted hedgehog (E. roumanicus), mainly within the Balkan Peninsula and Central Europe, as these areas are crucial for understanding the effects of Pleistocene climate oscillations on the genetic architecture of the species. Based on this spatial distribution, hypotheses about the possible structuring of the Balkan refugia were formulated. A total of 260 individuals and 9 microsatellite loci were used for the analysis. Using the approach of landscape and population genetics several possible isolated subpopulations within the area surveyed were identified. Unique status was proved for a population originating from Crete, probably influenced by mechanisms of island evolution. Differences from the rest of the range were ascertained also in population from the Czech Republic, located in a secondary contact zone with the E. europeaus. The role of interspecific interactions and possible introgression should be considered in this case. In the area of Romania and the area south of the Balkan Peninsula the highest genetic distances between individuals were identified, probably associated with the occurrence of geographical barriers and the possible presence of glacial subrefugia. Other identified...

Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.

This article redirects extant critiques of the modern problem of war at this problem’s underlying logic of deviance. According to this logic, war constitutes a kind of international conduct that contravenes behavioural norms and that can be corrected through diagnostic and didactic means. Thereby, war is rendered into a problem falling within the scope of human agency. However, this agency rests on and reproduces this logic’s constitutive blind spots. Therefore, it seems imperative to develop ways of problematising war otherwise. The article provides two starting points for (critical) IR scholarship seeking to undertake such a project. Firstly, it combines two Foucaultian tools, the concept of problematisation and the method of genealogy, to direct critique at the logics underlying our evaluative – analytical, ethical, and political –judgements. Secondly, it uses these tools to trace the contingent emergence of the logic of deviance in a crucial example within the wider genealogy of the problem of war: the Carnegie Endowment’s commission of inquiry into the Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913. Based on original archival research, I highlight different elements of this inquiry’s problematisation of war – its frames, assumptions, ways of knowing, and subjects of knowledge – to make them available for reconstruction.

No description available.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Resumo: O trabalho tem como objeto a perspectiva da Rússia sobre a neutralidade da Sérvia, isto é, a política do país balcânico de não entrada em alianças militares como a OTAN e seu não alinhamento às políticas ocidentais contrárias à Rússia, como sanções e outras resoluções de caráter oficial, que implicam a potencial limitação da integração da Sérvia à União Europeia. Precisamente, objetiva-se compreender: as motivações de tal postura por parte da Rússia com respeito à Sérvia; as razões pelas quais Rússia e Sérvia não desenvolveram uma aliança militar e os motivos pelos quais Moscou não buscou incluir o país dos Bálcãs de forma plena nos projetos de integração política, econômica e securitária liderados pela Rússia; e a maneira como a pauta da neutralidade evoluiu nas relações bilaterais. Nesse sentido, o trabalho avança três argumentos principais. Em primeiro lugar, a defesa russa da neutralidade sérvia se deve primariamente a considerações políticas-ideacionais: ainda que o peso da Sérvia em termos geopolíticos e militares possua significado periférico para Moscou, o posicionamento externo do país balcânico implica uma convergência com as concepções russas sobre a arquitetura de segurança na Europa no Pós-Guerra Fria. Em segundo lugar, a opção pela defesa da neutralidade se impôs sobre a de uma aliança militar e da inclusão plena da Sérvia em projetos de integração russos em virtude, além da indisposição sérvia para tanto, da percepção de repercussões periféricas do posicionamen... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The object of this work is Russia’s perspective on Serbia’s neutrality, that is, the Balkan country’s policy of non-accession to military alliances such as NATO and its non alignment with Western policies contrary to Russia, such as sanctions and other official resolutions, which imply the potential limitation of Serbia’s integration into the European Union. Precisely, this study aims to understand: the reasons behind such positioning by Russia regarding Serbia; the reasons why Russia and Serbia did not develop a military alliance, as well as the reasons why Moscow did not seek to fully include Serbia in political, security and economic integration projects led by Russia; and the way the neutrality agenda evolved in bilateral relations. In this connection, this study advances three main arguments. First, Russia’s defense of Serbian neutrality owes primarily to political-ideational considerations: even if Serbia’s weight in geopolitical and military terms has peripheral meaning for Moscow, the Balkan country’s external positioning implies a convergence with Russian conceptions of the post-Cold War European security architecture. Second, the option for the defense of neutrality has imposed itself over those of a military alliance and the full inclusion of Serbia in Russian integration projects because of, besides Serbia’s own unwillingness to do so, the perception of peripheral repercussions of Serbia’s positioning to Russia’s security in its rivalry with the Western powers. To... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Serbia is said to enter the European Union (EU) in 2025 and a criteria for inclusion in the EU are the Copenhagen criteria’s. The purpose of this thesis is to examine how the EU as an external and international actor acts to further the implementation of the first Copenhagen criteria concerning democratic institutions, the rule of law, human rights and protection of minorities. Through a qualitative theory consuming study this thesis investigates the EUs aims and actions in Serbia, a country outside the boards of the EU by applying a theoretical framework based on Lawrence Whiteheads theory on international dimensions of democratization. As a result the thesis finds that the European Union has an interest in democracy promotion in Serbia as defined in the Copenhagen criteria. The EU uses several different methods such as economic aid, learning resources, diplomacy and normative contagion to attain its purpose. But the true reason behind the EUs interest is Serbia is discussed among scholars as well as the effective ways of implementing EUs strategies and the development of sanctions against states that do not comply with the democratic values of the Copenhagen criteria.

<p><p>Syftet med uppsatsen är att belysa de tre olika religionernas roll på Balkan ur ett historiskt perspektiv, för att vidare kunna besvara frågeställningen, på vilket sätt gav den religiösa pluraliteten upphov till kriget i Bosnien och Hercegovina?</p></p>