- About
-
The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
provided by the
Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
Search results
Showing 11 to 15 of 15 (0.05 seconds)| 11 |
Revolutionary allies : Sino-Egyptian and Sino-Algerian relations in the Bandung decadeHaddad-Fonda, Kyle January 2013 (has links)
In the decade following the Asian-African Conference of 1955, the communist government of the People’s Republic of China took unprecedented interest in its relations with countries in the Middle East. China’s leaders formed particularly strong ties first with Gamal Abdel Nasser’s Egypt, then, beginning in 1958, with the Algerian Front de Libération Nationale (FLN), which at that time was engaged in a bitter struggle for independence from France. The bonds that developed between China and Egypt and between China and Algeria were strengthened by a shared commitment of the governments of these countries to carry out “revolutions” that would challenge Western preeminence in global affairs and establish their own societies as independent voices on the world stage. The common ideological heritage of these three revolutionary countries allowed their leaders to forge connections that went beyond mere expressions of mutual support. Sino-Arab relations in the 1950s and 1960s cannot be explained by a realist narrative of attempts to exert power or influence through high-level diplomacy; rather, the evolving relationships between China and its Arab allies demonstrate how three countries could co-opt one another’s experiences to define and articulate their own nationalist identities on behalf of domestic audiences. This thesis pays particular attention to two constituencies that played a central role in mediating the development of Sino-Arab relations: Chinese Muslims and Arab leftists. Focusing on publications about Sino-Arab relations written by or intended for members of these two groups makes clear the manners in which domestic ideological concerns shaped the development of international relationships. Sino-Egyptian and Sino-Algerian relations between 1955 and 1965 were primarily symbolic. The perception of international amity gave journalists, policymakers, intellectuals, and religious figures free rein to expound their own distorted interpretations of Chinese and Arab society in order to promote their own ideological causes. These causes, which varied over the course of the decade, included the incorporation of Chinese Muslims into Chinese politics, the conferral of revolutionary legitimacy on Nasser’s government, the celebration of China as a champion of global revolution, the legitimization of the FLN, and the presentation of China as a fully anti-imperialist country in contrast to the Soviet Union. Each of these projects had in common the enduring goal of transforming how citizens of China, Egypt, and Algeria perceived their own national identity.
|
| 12 |
Mystical Christian discipleship a study of human identity and agency of student social activists (Bandung, Indonesia) in conversation with Rahnerian mystical theological anthropology /Putranto, Ignatius Eddy, January 1900 (has links)
Thesis (D. Min.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2007. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 162-170).
|
| 13 |
印尼雅萬高鐵的援助政治—中國與印尼的合作研究 / The Politics of Aid in Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Rail Project—A Study in Cooperative Interaction between China and Indonesia吳承憲, Wu, Cheng Hsien Unknown Date (has links)
傳統對援助的認知是兩方互動中有著「施與受的單向關係」，但今日轉變為兩方透過援助為名來進行發展之需要的「夥伴關係」。本研究採用印尼雅萬高鐵的個案來探討究竟是何種考量促使印尼做出選擇，所以才促成雅萬高鐵建設與中國進行合作。在方法上藉由文獻分析探討中國以及印尼彼此的合作意圖，並透過相關資料的蒐集、整理與分析，找出適當的證據來支撐並解釋印尼雅萬高鐵的建設為什麼是與中國合作的原因，最後從對於該項個案的分析延伸探討中國的援助在東南亞是否展現了一種援助上的新殖民主義行為。
中國的高鐵外交主要特色在於政府主導、商業取向以及戰略性選擇，而高鐵建設也成為現階段中國實力的展現，以及對外關係合作上的優先手段與工具。本文對中國的探討，發現雅萬高鐵並不能單純視之為援助國與受援國「求雙贏」的商業投資合作案，反倒是個充滿著援助國為「求所得」的政經援助合作案。
佐科威的施政願景需要大量基礎建設來帶動國家發展，而中國能夠以划算的方式提供印尼發展所需的技術，專業知識和資金。同時，中國所提出的方案其建設所需時間較日本短，工程期間將經歷印尼總統選舉，所以若能如期完工，將對佐科威的連任帶來助益。本文透過對印尼的討論足見雅萬高鐵的合作成案是建基在受援國本身的政治經濟想望中，而不單是援助國單方面的決定。
透過本研究之考察可以發現中國對印尼的援助並未具有獨佔或壟斷的權力，印尼擁有援助中的自主權來與中國進行協商並議價雅萬高鐵的合作方向。從這些面向觀之，中國和印尼間並不存在著殖民式關係，印尼在雅萬高鐵中的角色也不是被剝削或依賴的關係，反倒擁有左右中國的能力，因此很難將中印(尼)在雅萬高鐵合作的關係貼上新殖民主義的標籤。最後，本文認為透過對援助知識的探討，對於我國未來的國際參與將有所助益。 / A great deal of previous research into foreign aid has focused on ‘Aid Dependency’. However, there has been increasing attention paid to ‘Partnership’ between Donors and Recipients. This paper presents an analysis of cooperative interaction within the politics of aid, with a particular focus on Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Rail.
By means of textual analysis and case studies, the study has collected rich data which enable descriptions of the critical reasons of cooperative interaction between China and Indonesia in Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Rail project. Besides, in terms of case, the correlations between China’s aid intention and Indonesia’s development goal were calculated to determine the relationship of Neo-colonialism between these two variables.
The results obtained confirm that China’s High Speed Rail Diplomacy shows three characteristics¬─State-led、Business-driven and Strategic choice. Using High Speed Rail to foster infrastructure assistance becomes a major tool in China’s foreign aid technique. These findings shed light on Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Rail project is not only a commercial contract but also a political deal.
Additionally, results of this study revealed that President Jokowi pursue a macro Indonesia’s national development vision, infrastructures stand for a priority position in his thought. Because China’s aid is more cost-effective than Japan’s program, and China’s program suits Jokowi’s political intention, it facilitates Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Rail is the China-Indonesia cooperation project. It means Recipients can grip ownership in development assistance, the politics of aid shows a new image that recipients can bargain their goal with donors.
It can be concluded that China's aid to Indonesia does not have exclusive or monopoly power. Indonesia has the ownership to negotiate with China and bargain for the cooperation of the Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Rail. From these perspectives, there is no colonial relationship between China and Indonesia. In the case, Indonesia is not exploited or dependent on China. Instead, it has the ability to influence China. Therefore, it cannot be seen as a Neo-colonialism. Finally, based on these findings, this study suggests that we need to strengthen the discussions about Foreign Aid or Development Assistance. These findings have important implications for the Republic of China (Taiwan), it will make a useful contribution to Taiwan’s international participation.
|
| 14 |
Contribution to the intercity modal choise considering the intracity transport systems : application of an adapted mixed multinomial Logit model for the Jakarta-Bandung corridor / Contribution au choix modal interurbain en considérant les systèmes de transport intra-urbains : application d'un modèle LOGIT mixte multinomial adapté au corridor Jakarta-BandungBarus, Lita Sari 30 October 2015 (has links)
Ce travail de recherche traite de la problématique des transports dans les villes d’Indonésie, Jakarta et Bandung, mais également de la grande concurrence modale du trajet Jakarta-Bandung et Bandung-Jakarta. Les préférences des passagers sont des variables très importantes à connaître en raison de leurs impacts pour choisir un mode de transport parmi d’autres. Dans les transports, le modèle Logit est largement utilisé comme une méthode pour aborder la problématique du choix de transport multimodal comportant de multiples variables, mais dans la présente recherche, ces modèles ne sont pas appropriés pour la résolution de nos problèmes, car il y a des variables particulières à identifier et à prendre en compte. Par conséquent, nous avons développé pour nos besoins le modèle « Logit Mixed Multinomial Adapté (LMMA) » comme outil dédié à l’analyse décisionnelle dans le choix des modes de transport des passagers. La première partie de nos travaux de recherches porte sur l’identification et la compréhension des problèmes de transports intra-cité d’origine et de destination pour le choix du mode de transport entre Jakarta et Bandung (et puis entre Bandung et Jakarta). La seconde partie concerne le processus de décision final en proposant et en analysant les résultats d’un questionnaire adressé à de nombreux utilisateurs de la liaison Jakarta-Bandung (et Bandung-Jakarta). L’analyse permet pour chaque situation d’origine et de destination, et en tenant compte des services offerts par chaque mode inter-cité, d’identifier quel est le mode le plus compétitif. / An ideal city or intercity transport system is one where all the transport networks, involving in general different modes of transport, could serve together the cities connections to fulfill a passenger demand and satisfaction. Each transport network should have a logical layout (as possible with minimum discontinuities) to meet the required demands. Also in that ideal system, the different modes of transport should not only have their own good performances but also the exchange between modes should be done with harmony. The conditions as mentioned above are worldwide challenges. The present work deals with the transportation problematic between two Indonesian cities, and also with the high modal competition on the Jakarta-Bandung corridor. On that corridor, road transport is currently the main demanding mode for passengers transportation. The airlines cannot compete and discontinued their operations to this route. Nowadays, railway transport is decaying. Passengers preferences are the main variables for the final modal choice. It is necessary to know preferences due to their decisions impacts to choose one mode over the others. Those preferences are in fact not simple to express in a complex city and intercity transport system. In transportation, the Logit model is widely used as a method to explore the problematic of modal choices involving a lot of different variables. There are several Logit models already developed, such as “General Extreme Value”, “Probit”, and “Nested model”, but in this research, they are not compatible to solve our defined problems because there are some particular identified variables to be taken into account. Therefore we propose the "Adapted Mixed Multinomial Logit (AMML)" Model as a tool for analysis towards passenger's decision in modal choices. On the Jakarta-Bandung corridor, modal choices are influenced by the encountered problems in intercity transport at origin and destination. One part on this research deals with identification and understanding of the intracity transport problems of origin and destination on the choice of transport mode in Jakarta-Bandung corridor (Jakarta-Bandung and Bandung-Jakarta direction). The second part of this research deals with the final decision process by analyzing the results of questionnaires addressed to many users of the Jakarta-Bandung corridor. The five main variables of the last questionnaire are travel time, overall cost, security conditions, quality of travel information and connectivity conditions relevant to intercity transport and intracities transport conditions as well. After validation of the questionaires, this research uses the AMML model to get final decision result by comparing one mode among three intercity transport mode (train, minibus, and car) using the values of the variables. Taking into account the characteristics of each intercity mode of transportation, the analysis identifies the most competitive intercity transport mode for each situation from departure city to arrival city. Using alternative public and private transport modes policies, one could in the future modify passenger choice on intercity transport mode. Therefore, this study is relevant for improving of intracity and intercity transport systems.
|
| 15 |
Sovereignty, Peacekeeping, and the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF), Suez 1956-1967: Insiders’ PerspectivesHilmy, Hanny 13 February 2015 (has links)
This research is concerned with the complex and contested relationship between the sovereign prerogatives of states and the international imperative of defusing world conflicts. Due to its historical setting following World War Two, the national vs. international staking of claims was framed within the escalating imperial-nationalist confrontation and the impending “end of empire”, both of which were significantly influenced by the role Israel played in this saga. The research looks at the issue of “decolonization” and the anti-colonial struggle waged under the leadership of Egypt’s President Nasser. The Suez War is analyzed as the historical event that signaled the beginning of the final chapter in the domination of the European empires in the Middle East (sub-Saharan decolonization followed beginning in the early 1960s), and the emergence of the United States as the new major Western power in the Middle East.
The Suez experience highlighted a stubborn contest between the defenders of the concept of “sovereign consent” and the advocates of “International intervention”. Both the deployment of the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) and its termination were surrounded by controversy and legal-political wrangling. The role of UNEF and UN peacekeeping operations in general framed the development of a new concept for an emerging international human rights law and crisis management. The UNEF experience, moreover, brought into sharp relief the need for a conflict resolution component for any peace operation. International conflict management, and human rights protection are both subject to an increasing interventionist international legal regime. Consequently, the traditional concept of “sovereignty” is facing increasing challenge.
By its very nature, the subject matter of this multi-dimensional research involves historical, political and international legal aspects shaping the research’s content and conclusions. The research utilizes the experience and contributions of several key participants in this pioneering peacekeeping experience. In the last chapter, recommendations are made –based on all the elements covered in the research- to suggest contributions to the evolving UN ground rules for international crisis intervention and management. / Graduate / hilmyh@uvic.ca
|
Page generated in 0.0653 seconds