Para entendermos o papel que as vias de circulação desempenharam na tentativa de dar coesão ao território boliviano, buscamos entender a ocupação do espaço andino desde a chegada dos espanhóis no território pré-boliviano, nas terras altas de Potosi. Também tentamos analisar os caminhos construídos a partir dessa ocupação, seja para o escoamento da prata, seja para o abastecimento da população que orbitava ao redor do complexo mineiro. No decorrer da história da Bolívia independente, a circulação foi um dos motes da tentativa de unificação espacial com o Peru, comandada pelo general Andrés de Santa Cruz, uma vez que, na primeira metade do século XIX, alcançar o litoral boliviano era uma tarefa extremamente difícil, em face da inexistência de técnicas que tornassem menos dispendiosa a transposição da escarpa andina. A guerra com o Chile, no final do século XIX, ainda hoje desperta sentimentos nacionalistas na população boliviana em função da perda de todo o seu território voltado para o Pacífico. A amputação de sua saída para o mar fez com que o governo boliviano exigisse do vencedor Chile a construção de uma estrada de ferro. Esta ligaria o país a um porto no Pacífico, a fim de seu comércio internacional não fosse sufocado e sua economia arruinada, devido a sua condição mediterrânea. A disputa com o Brasil pelo território do Acre levou a Bolívia, mais uma vez, a pensar em uma solução circulatória que permitisse o escoamento da borracha, uma mercadoria então cobiçada no mercado internacional. No acordo entre os dois países, o Brasil se comprometeu a construir uma estrada de ferro para escoar a mercadoria boliviana pelos rios da bacia amazônica. A guerra do Chaco, disputada com o Paraguai, cujo motivo teria sido uma disputa por petróleo, na realidade, foi uma tentativa de o governo boliviano alcançar o Atlântico utilizando o rio Paraguai. A derrota fez com que a Bolívia conseguisse acessar o Oceano Atlântico por intermédio da construção de uma ferrovia entre Santa Cruz de la Sierra e Corumbá, na fronteira com o Brasil, e de lá até o porto de Santos. Além dessa alternativa, a Bolívia também se utilizou do transporte ferroviário para alcançar o Atlântico, via Argentina, chegando até o porto de Buenos Aires. A violenta derrota boliviana na guerra do Chaco abriu cicatrizes que culminaram na Revolução Nacionalista de 1952. O governo nacionalista estatizou as ferrovias e criou uma empresa estatal para cuidar das rodovias da Bolívia, porém, ao incentivar a construção de estradas de rodagem, a ingerência estadunidense inviabilizou a efetiva integração territorial boliviana por vias férreas e, por extensão, a ligação ferroviária entre os oceanos Atlântico e Pacífico, pela união dos portos de Arica no Chile e de Santos no estado de São Paulo. / To understand the role played by the circulation ways so as to provide cohesion to the Bolivian territory, one must understand the occupation of the Andean space since the arrival of the Spanish at the pre-Bolivian territory, in the high lands of Potosi. We have also tried to analize the ways built after such occupation, whether for the flow of silver, or for the provisioning of the population orbiting the mining complex. In the course of independent Bolivias history, circulation was one of the mottos in the search for spatial unification with Peru, commanded by General Andrés de Santa Cruz, seeing that it was such an extremely hard task to reach the Bolivian sea coast in the first half of the 19th century, due to the inexistence of techniques which could make the transposition of the Andean scarp less costly. The war against Chile at the end of the 19th century still arouses nationalistic feelings in the Bolivian people today, for the loss of their whole territory facing the Pacific. The amputation of their exit to the sea made the Bolivian government demand that a railroad connecting Bolivia to a port in the Pacific should be built by the winner Chile. Thus, international trading would not be suffocated and consequently, Bolivian economy would not be ruined by their mediterranean condition. The dispute against Brazil for the territory of Acre once again forced Bolivia to come up with a circulatory solution so as to enable the flow of latex, such a coveted raw material in international markets by then. It was agreed that Brazil would build a railroad for the flow of Bolivian commodities along the Amazon watershed. The Chaco War, whose motto was the dispute for oil against Paraguay, was, in fact, another Bolivian attempt to reach the Atlantic through the Paraguay river. The defeat enabled Bolivia to access the Atlantic after the construction of a railroad connecting Santa Cruz de la Sierra to Corumbá, in the borderline with Brazil, and from that point to the Port of Santos. Besides this alternative, Bolivia also used railways to reach the Atlantic through Argentina, up to the Port of Buenos Aires. Bolivias huge defeat in the Chaco War has left scars which culminated in the nationalistic revolution of 1952. The nationalistic government took over all railways and created a state-owned company to manage Bolivian roads. However, North-American interference and stimulus to the construction of highways precluded an effective integration of the Bolivian territory through railroads and, thus, the railway connection between the Atlantic and the Pacific, uniting the Port of Arica in Chile and the Port of Santos in São Paulo.

Este estudo busca compreender as formas como foi representado o boliviano na imprensa de Corumbá, MS no período de 1938-1999. Escolheu-se a cidade de Corumbá como espaço de análise pela sua condição fronteiriça e pelos discursos de integração que a região foi alvo ao longo do desenvolvimento de obras de infraestrutura e tratados diversos. Observamos que houve um descompasso entre as representações dos bolivianos e de seu país emitidas pelas instituições nacionais no instante em que se celebraram tratados binacionais estratégicos para a economia brasileira e as representações cotidianas do boliviano na imprensa corumbaense, que são via de regra, estigmatizantes e vexatórias. Entendemos o boliviano como um imigrante e buscamos comparar sua trajetória com a de outras nacionalidades presentes na narrativa da imprensa. Concluímos que o boliviano não foi considerado pela imprensa um imigrante da mesma importância que os europeus e árabes e seus descendentes radicados no município. Essa situação decorreu em grande parte do caráter fronteiriço dessa corrente migratória e de seu caráter pendular, além da ascendência indígena da maioria dessa população. Há que se considerar também que para o discurso nacionalista brasileiro a migração fronteiriça ao longo dos anos 40-60 ameaçava o processo de ocupação das fronteiras, situação agravada pela influência da guerra fria e pela instabilidade econômica boliviana. / The paper aims to understand the different ways Bolivian people were represented in the press in Corumba, MS, between 1938 and 1999. The city of Corumba was chosen for the analysis due to its location on the border with Bolivia and also because the region was targeted by integration speeches along the development of infrastructure works and different treaties. We have observed a distance between the representations of the Bolivian people and their country issued by the national institutions at the moment when bi-national treaties, considered as strategical for the Brazilian economy, were celebrated, and the everyday representations of the Bolivians in the local media, which were, as a rule, stigmatizing and derogatory. We view every Bolivian as an immigrant and we search to compare their trajectory to other nationalities that could be found in the written media. We conclude that the Bolivians and their descendants who came to live in the municipality were not regarded as immigrants with the same importance as Europeans and Arabs. The situation is basically a consequence of the fact that Bolivia borders Brazil and also because most Bolivians descend from native South Americans. It is also worth considering that, according to the Brazilian nationalist viewpoint, the migration to border countries between the 1940s and 1960s was a threat for the frontier occupation process, a situation that was aggravated due to the influence of the cold war and the Bolivian economic instability.

Memoria (para optar al grado de Magíster en Derecho) / En el presente trabajo, se asume que la sociedad chilena es multicultural, que en su interior, conviven diversas culturas y grupos culturales. Que las fuentes de ello, serían los pueblos indígenas que habitan su territorio y la creciente inmigración. Pese a ello, se constata la falta de reconocimiento del Estado chileno para con su diversidad cultural y la falta de respeto hacia los grupos que la constituyen. Debido a lo anterior, se plantea la tesis de que Chile debe reconocerse como un país multicultural y multinacional, por razones de justicia, igualdad y de reparación, tanto para con los pueblos indígenas que lo conforman, como para los inmigrantes que se encuentran habitando el territorio de la república. Dichas razones se pueden encontrar tanto en la filosofía política comunitaria, como en el propio liberalismo. Así durante el trabajo se pone a prueba la tesis, utilizando tres métodos combinados: metateórico, discusión normativa y comparativo. El método comparativo, lo utilizo para reflejar en Chile, lo que puede servir del desarrollo político-normativo de la multiculturalidad realizado en Bolivia

Natural wealth can either be an advantage for a country's economy or its curse. This thesis applies theories, which explore relationship between natural resources abundance and economic development of the country on a recent situation in Bolivia. The relationship between local natural gas and continuous poverty is analyzed within the resource curse theory and its causes. The analysis concentrates mainly on the Dutch disease theory, government's economic policy, investment and social environment in the country. Finally, the aim of this work is to answer the question whether natural gas means a curse for Bolivia and to identify its main causes. In addition, consequences of the onset of president Morales and the new nationalization policy are analyzed in detail.

No description available.

Tesis para optar al grado de Doctor en Estudios Latinoamericanos / Este trabajo analiza la formación de los movimientos mapuche en Chile y aymara-quechua en Bolivia en el siglo XX y su quehacer intelectual colectivo, identificando cuáles son y cómo han configurado sus pensamientos contemporáneos en torno a las reflexiones sobre el colonialismo y los procesos de descolonización. La investigación abarca un marco temporal específico entre 1998 y 2006 en ambos países. Su corpus se halla en las escrituras de organizaciones y dirigentes indígenas y sus planteamientos sobre la continuidad colonial como diagnóstico teórico-político. También aborda los proyectos de descolonización en el mundo mapuche y aymara-quechua, centralizados en los idearios de la autodeterminación de los pueblos, la autonomía y la concepción de nación. Al mismo tiempo, la tesis hace referencia a discusiones emergentes de los movimientos indígenas relativas al patriarcado, la politización de la cultura, el lugar del Estado y el multiculturalismo.

Currently, livestock production in the Andean highlands of Bolivia is done with low food efficiency due to the free range grazing system. This in turn leads to nutritional deficiencies. Therefore, it is necessary to substitute these grass species for others that fulfill nutritional requirements. Our main objective was to determine the species of grass with the best nutritional quality. Of the 12 species, only 11 were analyzed because the species Didtichlis stricta did not germinate. Five monthly samples were taken after the cut (ddc) at the following intervals: 50, 81, 112, 141, and 176 days. These samples were analyzed in the Laboratory of Animal Nutrition via the Weende method. After analyzing the results statistically, it was determined that Agrophyrum elongatum and Festuca aranduniceae were the species that had the highest dry matter yields (9.74 and 8.78 t/ha-1 respectively). In addition, they had higher content of ash, fats, protein, fiber carbohydrates, total digestible nutrients, and digestible energy than the other species also considered as forage with good nutritional quality. We also found that dry matter yield was highest at 209 and 193 days after the cut (ddc).

The agronomical evaluation and the comparative work of six multiannual forage species was conducted in the facilities of the Benson Institute, in the community of Contorno de Letanias, Ingavi province, La Paz. The objectives were to evaluate the agronomic behavior, as well as to evaluate the dry matter (DM) yield of six multiannual forage species (grasses) under local conditions, and to determine the partial cost of production of the studied species. The annual mean temperature was 9.14°C, and 517.6 mm of precipitation. The test was conducted under the random block design test, with six different forage species, and three repetitions. The evaluated species were: Hybrid grass (Agropyrum crisantum x A. desertorum), Bromus grass(Bromus inermis), Phleum grass (Phleum pratense), Pubescent grass (Agropyron trichophorum), Orchard grass (Dactylis glomerata), and Weeping lovegrass (Eragrostis curvula). The evaluated response variables were: Plant density (%), plant height (cm), base area (m²), tip area (m²), leaf/stem relationship, dry matter yield (kg/ha), and plant vigor. The forage species (grass) that presented a better behavior in relationship to plant density were the weeping lovegrass, Phleum, Orchard, Bromus, and Pubescent grass with: 92.17, 84.44, 75.95, 70.77, and 68.6%. The hybrid grass presented the least density with a 55.50% respectively. According to plant height at two different cut times, the Orchard, Pubescent, Weeping lovegrass, Bromus, Phleum, and Hybrid grass species presented a mean height of 23.0, 26.24, 15.31, 12.27, and 15.5 cm respectively, a tip area of.037, 0.26,.032, 0.32, 0.28, and 0.25 m², and a base area of 0.14, 0.09, 0.10, 0.16, and 0.10 m². The dry matter yield (The total sum of two cuts) was of 3936.0 kg/ha for Pubescent grass, 3459.0 kg/ha of Bromus grass, 2780.7 kg/ha of Weeping lovegrass, 2358.0 kg/ha of Hybrid grass, and 2089.0 kg/ha of Pleum grass. The relationship leaf/stem relationship resented an average of 1.13, 3.38, 3.71, 2.84, 2.49, and 2.93 respectively. The species: Orchard and pubescent grass presented a variable cost of 1384.9 and 1604.9 Bs/Ha in relationship to the other studied species. Also, both grasses (bromus and pubescent) presented a marginal return of 138%; therefore, Orchard grass (Dactylis glomerata) is recommended as an alternative species.

The prehispanic site of Tiwanaku, located in northeastern Bolivia, was the focus of many studies during the past few decades. However, much of the site remains unexplored, leaving many questions unanswered about the location of dense archaeological deposits, the nature of urban organization, and water management strategies—specifically those located in the eastern sector of the Akapana Pyramid. Orthophoto mosaics and Digital Elevation Models derived from drone imagery helped identify archaeological features and anthropogenic mounds. New magnetic survey produced with a cesium gradiometer was merged with previous surveys (fluxgate and cesium gradiometer). The integration of maps and plans from six areas of a previous archaeological investigation within a common Geographical Information System helped relate geophysical anomalies to archaeological features. Our results demonstrate a high level of urban organization associating monumental buildings to open ritual spaces and to densely populated areas during Tiwanaku IV (500–800 CE) and V (800–1100 CE). The complexity of the urban organization is also demonstrated by landscape modifications such as a complex water management system and at least three terraces that augmented the monumentality of the Akapana Pyramid This interdisciplinary approach, innovative in Bolivia, provides new insight into one of the most significant archaeological sites in the Andes.

The development of cervical cancer depends on high-risk human papillomavirus (HR-HPV) persistent infection in the cervix. The transformation process leading to invasive cancer can take many years even decades and provides ample opportunity to detect, prevent and cure true precursor lesions. Although cervical cancer is widely preventable, it is the fourth most common cancer among women throughout the world, being a real public health issue, especially in developing countries, as 85 % of deaths occur in low and middle-income countries. The situation in Bolivia is particularly alarming, as the cervical cancer incidence is around 38.5 per 100,000 women, which is estimated to be the highest incidence in Latin America. Prevention of cervical cancer in Bolivia is mainly based on the cytological examination of a Papanicolaou smear (Pap) and more recently on visual inspection after application of acetic acid (VIA). However, many economic, sociocultural, and geographic barriers impair this prevention program being successful, as reflected by the low coverage obtained with these screening tests.In order to reduce the cervical cancer incidence and mortality in the department of Cochabamba in Bolivia, we aimed to assess a low-cost HPV test applicable on self-samples. We believe that this strategy could improve the poor screening programs developed in our country. An evaluation was first made to knowledge of Bolivian women about human papillomavirus (HPV) and cervical cancer. As expected, Bolivian women, from rural, peri-urban and urban areas, knew little or nothing about those. Secondly, their degree of acceptability and confidence towards HPV self-sampling was assessed. Most of the women found self-sampling easier to perform (86.9 % to 93.2 %) and more comfortable (79.4 % to 83.3 %) compared to physician sampling. However, accuracy to detect cervical pre-cancer was higher in their point of view when it was performed on specimens taken by a physician (35.1% to 63.5%). Accordingly, the campaign of vaginal HPV self-sampling in a peri-urban area increased screening coverage, reaching in three months the annual rate average. Finally, the determination of accuracy to detect preneoplastic lesions was assessed for three screening methods, in 469 women, divided in two groups. The first group included 362 women that underwent three consecutively primary screening tests: self-collected sampling for HR-HPV detection, conventional cervical cytology and visual inspection under acetic acid (VIA). The second group included 107 women referred with a positive HR-HPV test that underwent were triage by conventional cervical cytology and VIA. The presence of high-grade intraepithelial neoplasia or invasive cancer (CIN 2+) was verified by colposcopy and biopsy.Among primary screening tests, the sensitivity of the HR-HPV test to detect CIN 2+ lesions was the highest (76 %). In HR-HPV positive women, the sensitivity of the VIA and cytology to detect CIN 2+ lesions were 100% and 81%, respectively.In conclusion, the knowledge about cervical cancer and HPV infection is poor in Bolivia. Despite greater acceptance of the vaginal self-sampling in all areas, women kept greater confidence in the screening performed by the gynecologist, although HPV self-sampling improved coverage rate. Finally, HPV testing on self- samples was the most sensitive screening test and VIA was the most sensitive method for the triage. / Doctorat en Sciences biomédicales et pharmaceutiques (Pharmacie) / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished