From 2002 to 2006, ten Palestinian women committed suicide attacks against Israeli civilians and military personnel, resulting in more fatalities and wounded noncombatants on average than attacks by male perpetrators. Rather than examining individual women’s motivations to become a suicide bomber, this research endeavor seeks to shift focus from this prevailing analytical approach to a sociological analysis of how militant organizations frame female participation to the public. Social movement perspectives and an extension of Erving Goffman’s work on frame analysis theoretically inform an examination of media produced by the two non-secular militant organizations of Hamas and Palestine Islamic Jihad. Organizations attempt to mitigate the “broken frame” introduced by female incorporation into an overwhelmingly male enterprise by strategically creating new frames that exalt and reinterpret extant social norms. Organizations frame female perpetrators as un-feminine individuals prior to their actions but, through the act of martyrdom, frame them as feminized symbols of the threat posed to Palestinian society, and its gender order, by Israeli military presence in the occupied territories. Martyrdom is framed, physically and symbolically, as a transformative experience. An application of frame analysis to violent social movements offers researchers the opportunity to understand how groups attempt to garner support and advance their interests within their populations and abroad. / text

Au-delà des questions inhérentes à la sûreté des installations nucléaires, l’accident de la centrale Fukushima Dai’ichi du 11 mars 2011 a fait ressurgir ce que certains considèrent comme un paradoxe : le Japon s’est lancé dans l’aventure du nucléaire alors qu’il avait lui-même été victime de la bombe atomique et que, de surcroît, il est régulièrement confronté à des catastrophes naturelles. Par ailleurs, la catastrophe de Fukushima a encouragé une certaine réflexion sur les médias japonais, qui vise particulièrement à critiquer le rôle que ceux-ci ont joué dans la promotion du nucléaire et son acceptation auprès du public japonais dès après la Seconde guerre mondiale. En s'inscrivant dans le champ des études en histoire culturelle, le présent travail vise ainsi à comprendre, à travers le prisme de l'image médiatique, comment le Japon a opéré une transition entre Hiroshima (1945) et Tôkaimura (1957), autrement dit entre le nucléaire militaire et le nucléaire civil, en attachant une importance particulière à la manière dont les discours sur ces "deux nucléaires" ont été articulés dans la presse japonaise. Pour ce faire, nous analysons la manière dont les grands quotidiens nationaux Asahi Shinbun et Yomiuri Shinbun ont traité de l’énergie atomique durant la genèse du projet nucléaire civil japonais (1945-1957), une période charnière démarrant avec les bombardements atomiques d’Hiroshima et de Nagasaki et se clôturant avec la mise en route du tout premier réacteur nucléaire expérimental japonais à Tôkaimura. À travers un plan structuré chronologiquement autour de quatre périodes, nous tentons donc de fournir des éléments de réponse à la question suivante : comment l’énergie nucléaire civile a-t-elle été représentée dans la presse nationale japonaise à l’époque de son introduction dans l’archipel ? Dans la première partie (1945-1949), nous observons comment l’énergie nucléaire a été représentée durant les premières années suivant les bombardements atomiques sur Hiroshima et Nagasaki, alors que le discours sur le nucléaire militaire était censuré par les Forces Alliées et que l’énergie nucléaire civile n’en était encore qu’à ses balbutiements. Dans la deuxième partie (1949-1952), nous analysons comment le socle des représentations de cette énergie évolue alors que la menace de la guerre nucléaire fait surface et que les premiers succès de production d’électricité nucléaire à l’étranger attirent l’attention de la presse japonaise. Notre troisième période (1953-1955) s’intéresse à trois évènements médiatiques qui ont influencé le discours médiatique autour de l’énergie nucléaire : le discours américain Atoms for Peace ; l’incident du thonier Daigo Fukuryû Maru ; et la venue de l’industriel américain John Jay Hopkins sur l’invitation de Shôriki Matstutarô, alors à la tête du quotidien Yomiuri Shinbun. Enfin, dans notre dernière partie (1955-1957) nous analysons tout d’abord la manière dont le quotidien Yomiuri Shinbun a couvert une grande exposition sur "les usages pacifiques" de l’énergie nucléaire qu’il avait lui-même co-organisé avec l’United States Information Agency pour améliorer l’image de cette dernière après l’incident du Daigo Fukuryû Maru. Dans un second temps, nous nous intéressons aux débats politiques à l’heure où le Japon commence à institutionnaliser son projet nucléaire civil. Enfin, nous clôturons cette dernière partie en traitant d’un événement qui devait symboliser l’aboutissement du projet nucléaire civil japonais : la mise en marche du tout premier réacteur nucléaire expérimental du Japon, dans le village de Tôkaimura. / In addition to questions that are inherent to the safety of nuclear installations, the accident at Fukushima Dai’ichi Nuclear Power Plant of March 2011 raised what can be considered a paradox: Japan has embarked on a nuclear adventure even though it has been the victim of a nuclear bomb itself and while it regularly faces natural catastrophes.Furthermore, the Fukushima catastrophe has encouraged some reflexion on the Japanese media, with special focus on the role these have played in the promotion of nuclear energy and in its acceptance by the Japanese public after the Second World War.This study, which belongs to the field of cultural history, aims at understanding through the prism of the media image, in what way Japan has accomplished a transition between Hiroshima (1945) and Tôkaimura (1957); in other words between military nuclear power and civilian nuclear energy, while attaching special importance to how the debate about these two aspects of the nuclear reality has been articulated in the Japanese press. To do this, we analyse the manner in which the big national newspapers: the Asahi Shinbun and Yomiuri Shinbun, dealt with atomic energy during the establishment of the Japanese civilian nuclear project (1945-1957), a pivotal period which started with the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and closed with the start-up of the first Japanese experimental nuclear reactor in Tôkaimura. By means of a plan that is structured chronologically around four periods we will try to provide answers to the following question: how was civilian nuclear energy represented in the Japanese national press at the time of its introduction in the archipelago?In the first period (1945-1949), we observe how nuclear energy was represented during the first years following the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, at a time that any discussion about atomic bombings was censured by the Allied Forces and that civilian nuclear energy was still in its infancy. In the second period (1949-1952), we analyse how the base of the representations of that energy evolves while the threat of nuclear war surfaces and while the first successes of the production of nuclear energy draw the attention of the Japanese press. Our third period (1953-1955) focuses on three media events which influenced the debate around nuclear energy: the American speech Atoms for Peace; the incident of the tuna fishing boat Daigo Fukuryû Maru and the arrival of the American industrialist John Jay Hopkins at the invitation of Shôriki Matstutarô, the head of the daily newspaper Yomiuri Shinbun. Finally, in our last period (1955-1957) we analyse first of all the manner in which the Yomiuri Shinbun covered the great exhibition on ‘the pacific uses of nuclear energy’ which it had itself co-organized with the United States Information Agency after the Daigo Fukuryû Maru incident, in order to improve the image of the latter. Then, we examine the political debates at the time that Japan began to institutionalize its nuclear civilian project. Lastly we end this part discussing an event that should symbolize the successful conclusion of the Japanese nuclear project: the start-up of the first experimental nuclear reactor in Japan in the village of Tôkaimura.

Bereits im 19. Jahrhundert, besonders mit dem deutsch-französischen Krieg von 1870-1871, nahm die Eisenbahn eine zunehmende Rolle in der militärischen Taktik ein. Als der Erste Weltkrieg anfängt sind die Eisenbahnen und ihre Netze die Hauptwerkzeuge der Kriegsführung in Deutschland wie in Frankreich. Material, Menschen, Verpflegung, Waffen, Post werden per Bahn transportiert. Die militärische Machtübernahme der Eisenbahnnetze waren, im Kriegsfall 1914, schon lange vorher geplant gewesen. Die Eisenbahnräume spielen eine wichtige Rolle beim Abschied von Angehörigen. Die Bahnhöfe stehen sinnbildlich als Mittelpunkt der Mobilmachung im August 1914 und sind in fast jede Zeugenaussage erwähnt. Eisenbahnräume sind Zwischenräume zwischwen Heimatfront und Front. Abschied - Spionfieber - Schwarzmarkt - Schwerverletzte Umtausch - / Major logistical and tactical tool during the war, the railway network is devoted to the war effort and, both in Germany and France, is placed under the authority of the military command who manages and reorganises it, making use of regulatory stations, according to the war needs. From a railway perspective, waging war depends on civilians (railway workers, Red Cross) and soldiers (transports routes guardsmen, stations quartermasters generals), ready to step up and shoulder a massive workload and, for some of them, to risk their lives. Civilians (particularly refugees), soldiers (among which soldiers on leave, sick, wounded, repatriated critically wounded), and the vast majority of war equipment (ammunitions, weapons, food supply, mails, ...) need to be transported. Nothing, not even some of these types of travellers, is to jeopardize the war though. A war implying a greater human presence in the railway space, which, in turn, leads to spying, spymania, bombings, evacuations, constructions and destructions of railway facilities, curiosity, gatherings, groups phenomena, unruliness, prostitution, spreading of writings and words of protest, additional travels for the industry and agriculture, and black market. This railway network must be defended and maintained, while at the same time making sure railway workers and soldiers are disciplined and in good moral and physical conditions. Goals and wishes less and less in tune with the reality of the ground, made worse by a dragging war, always increasing the cost in human resources and railway equipments.

Les attentats du 7 juillet 2005 à Londres ont causé un choc et un effroi dans la société britannique non seulement à cause du nombre important des victimes mais aussi en raison de la citoyenneté britannique des kamikazes. A l’exception de Germaine Lindsay qui était d’origine jamaïcaine, les autres membres de la cellule – Mohammed Siddiq Khan, Shehzad Tanweer et Hussib Hussain - étaient tous d’origine pakistanaise. Les kamikazes du 7 juillet 2005 n’étaient pas les seuls Britanniques d’origine pakistanaise impliqués dans des actes de terrorisme. Avant 2005, ils étaient nombreux à aller combattre auprès d’organisations djihadistes pakistanaises au Cachemire ou à commettre des tentatives d’attentat sur le sol britannique, comme ce fut le cas de la cellule de Luton en 2004. Après 2005, d’autres cellules, comme celle de Birmingham en 2011, ont essayé de commettre des attentats à une plus grande échelle. L’origine pakistanaise des auteurs, leur intérêt pour le conflit au Cachemire et leur entrainement paramilitaire dans les camps d’organisations djihadistes pakistanaises sont autant d'éléments communs qui nous ont conduit à nous interroger sur la nature de la radicalisation violente en Grande-Bretagne. Cette thèse examine la dimension pakistanaise de la radicalisation islamiste violente en Grande-Bretagne en se basant sur la théorie des mouvements sociaux, notamment le modèle de Quintan Wiktorowicz, selon lequel la radicalisation est le fruit de griefs politiques, socio-économiques et d’idéologie. Elle s’appuie sur dix études de cas : trois organisations djihadistes pakistanaises (Lashkar e-Toiba, Harakat ul-Mujahideen et Jaish e-Mohammed), trois organisations extrémistes transnationales (Hizb ut-Tahrir, Al-Muhajiroun et Supporters of Sharia) et quatre mouvements de l’islam sud-asiatiques (Ahl e-Hadith, déobandi, Tablighi Jamaat et Jamaat e-Islami). La thèse démontre qu’il y a une dimension spécifiquement pakistanaise de la radicalisation islamiste violente en Grande-Bretagne en raison de l’histoire coloniale, le conflit au Cachemire, la « guerre contre la terreur » et l’intervention militaire en Afghanistan. / The 7 July 2005 London bombings caused shock and awe in the British society not only because of the important number of casualties, but also due to the British citizenship of the bombers. With the exception of Germaine Lindsay, who was of Jamaican descent, all the other members of the cell - Mohammed Siddiq Khan, Shehzad Tanweer and Hussib Hussain - had Pakistani background. The London bombers were not the only British Pakistanis who were involved in acts of terrorism. Before 2005, many went to fight alongside the Pakistani jihadi organisations in Kashmir or plotted against Britain such as the Luton cell in 2004. After 2005, other cells, like the one in Birmingham in 2011, planned attacks on a bigger scale on British soil. The Pakistani origin of the perpetrators, their interest in Kashmir and their paramilitary training in camps belonging to Pakistani jihadi organisations were common features that have raised questions about the nature of violent radicalisation in Britain. This thesis examines the Pakistani dimension of violent radicalisation in Britain by building on social movement theory, especially on Quintan Wiktorowicz’ model, according to which radicalisation is the result of political, socio-economic grievances and ideology. This research is based on ten case studies: three Pakistani jihadi organisations (Lashkar e-Toiba, Harakat ul-Mujahideen and Jaish e-Mohammed), three extremist transnational organisations (Hizb ut-Tahrir, Al-Muhajiroun and Supporters of Sharia) and four South-Asian Islamic mouvements (Ahl e-Hadith, Deobandi, Tablighi Jamaat and Jamaat e-Islami). The thesis shows that there is specifically a Pakistani dimension to the violent islamist radicalisation in Britain due to the colonial history, the conflict in Kashmir, the ‘’war on terror’’ and the military intervention in Afghanistan.

An investigation of the bombing of automated teller machines (ATMs) with intent to steal cash contentof ATMs. This is inclusive of the impact on society (banks clients) and banking institutions as well as the danger it poses to the general public and public and private law enforcement personnel. / (M.Tech. (Security Management))

Nearly four decades of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-European Union (EU) relationship have witnessed the importance of ideas and identity alongside the economic interests in shaping the behaviour of the two sides. The study takes interest in understanding the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor with and within Southeast Asia through a reflectivist lens. The thesis is an attempt to provide a new perspective on a relationship commonly assessed from an economic angle. It outlines the opportunity of non-traditional security (NTS) challenges to enhance EU actorness and normative influence in Southeast Asia. Against this backdrop, the study explores the dialogue and cooperative initiatives of two regions, which attach relatively little salience to each other. The study employs a NTS lens and draws upon the case of the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-98, the haze in relation to forest governance, the Bali bombings of 2002 and the political conflict in Aceh. The study assumes that these NTS issues can stimulate processes of threat convergence as well as threat ‘othering’. It argues that these processes enhance European engagement in Southeast Asia and contribute to shaping regional stability in Southeast Asia. Furthermore, NTS crises present situations, where norms can become unstable, contested and substituted. This allows us to better examine the EU as a normative actor. To establish an understanding of the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor, the empirical evidence will focus on the threat perceptions, motivations of action and activities of the EU and its member states. For the purpose of differentiating the EU as a normative actor, the study will also include the discussion of the normative objectives and behaviours of the EU and its member states and apply a reflectivist theoretical framework. Hypothetically, NTS crises trigger external assistance and normative influence and thus, they offer an opportunity to establish a more nuanced picture of the EU in the region. At the same time, the study acknowledges that there are a variety of constraints and variables that complicate the EU’s actorness. The thesis seeks to identify and discuss these. So far, scholarly publications have failed to apply the NTS perspective systematically. This thesis provides the first monograph-length treatment of the EU in Southeast Asia through a NTS and reflectivist lens.

An investigation of the bombing of automated teller machines (ATMs) with intent to steal cash contentof ATMs. This is inclusive of the impact on society (banks clients) and banking institutions as well as the danger it poses to the general public and public and private law enforcement personnel. / (M.Tech. (Security Management))