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Die vorliegende Arbeit stellt das jüngste Element der Wahlkampfkommu¬nikation in den Mittelpunkt: das Internet. In den USA spielte das sogenannte E-Campaigning bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen erstmals im Jahr 2000 eine wichtige Rolle. Bereits 2002 fasste es auch in Deutschland bei Bundestags¬wahlen zum ersten Mal Fuß. Um sich diesem Untersuchungsgegenstand der politi¬schen Kommunikation systematisch zu nähern, wird anhand des US-amerikanischen Vorbilds ein eigener Ansatz – eine sogenannte Nullmessung – entwickelt. Diese wurde dann anlässlich des Bundestagswahlkampfes 2002 anhand der Internet-Wahlkampfaktivitäten der im Bundestag vertretenen Parteien durchgeführt und im Wahlkampf 2005 ergänzt. Vergleicht man die Untersuchungsergebnisse mit den Zielen, die damals von den Parteien nach eigenen Angaben mit ihren Onlinekampagnen verfolgt wurden, zeigt sich, dass die Internetauftritte den öffentlich von den Kampagnenmanagern artikulierten Ansprüchen, nicht gerecht wurden. Die Chance, die für den Wahlsieg wichtige Gruppe der Wechselwähler gezielt anzusprechen, wurde beispielsweise nicht hinreichend genutzt. Die Analyse zeigt, dass das aus den Betrachtungen der US-amerikanischen Kampagnen bekannte Online-Instrumentarium häufig nur kopiert und dann auch nicht zielgerichtet und konsequent genug eingesetzt wurde. An den Internetkampagnen der deutschen Parteien ist ebenfalls zu erkennen, dass sie bei der Übernahme US-amerikanischer Internetformate keine Rücksicht auf die unterschiedlichen gesellschaftlichen Randbedingungen beider Länder genommen haben, die sich beispielsweise bei der Bereitschaft zur Unterstützung politischer Kampagnen aus¬wirken. Das Internet ist als eigenständiges Kampagneninstrument in den Dimensionen „Darstellung“, „Aktivierung“ und „Steuerung“ nicht erkennbar. Die Arbeit zeigt auf, dass im Internet gerade für eine spezifisch deutsche Wahlkampfführung noch ein erhebliches strategisches Potenzial liegt, welches 2002 und 2005 nicht genutzt wurde. / This paper focuses on the latest element in electronic election campaign communication: the Internet. In the USA, e-campaigning first played a major role during presidential elections in the year 2000. By 2002 it had already begun to gain ground at Germany’s federal elections. In order to examine this aspect of political communication systematically, a dedicated approach known as baseline measurement was developed on the basis of the US American example. It was then applied to the Internet election campaign activities of the parties represented in Germany’s parliament during the 2002 federal election campaign, and then supplemented to include the 2005 campaign. If we compare the results of the study with the objectives which the parties said they were pursuing in their online campaigns, we see that those online campaigns did not fulfil the aspirations articulated publicly by campaign managers. For example, the opportunity to address swing voters, who are crucial to election victory, was inadequately utilised. Analysis reveals that the online instruments familiar to observers of US American campaigns were often simply copied and then not applied consistently enough or with sufficient attention to aims. The Internet campaigns run by German parties also indicated that when adopting US American Internet formats, they ignored the social differences between the two countries that affect things like people’s willingness to support political campaigns. The Internet was not recognisable as an independent campaign instrument used in the dimensions of Portrayal, Activation or Control. This paper shows that the Internet still harbours considerable strategic potential for specifically German election campaign management – potential which was not utilised in 2002 or 2005.

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La présente thèse propose une analyse et une systématisation de l’utilisation des réseaux sociaux en période électorale tant au niveau national que local. Ainsi seront étudiées les techniques numériques utilisées, les formes et les méthodes de communication politique « en ligne » au cours des campagnes présidentielles de 2012 en France et en Russie et les campagnes municipales à Bordeaux et à Moscou en 2014 et 2013. Seront donc comparés les ressorts utilisés dans deux pays différents et qui ont permis de transformer les grands réseaux sociaux tels que Facebook, Twitter, Instagram et VKontakte en outils de rassemblement politique attirant de nombreux jeunes à participer activement au processus de campagne.Des entretiens réalisés avec des responsables des mouvements politiques français de Gironde tels ceux des Jeunes socialistes, des Jeunes Populaires et ceux du Front National, il ressort que l’activité numérique en France relève d’un caractère constructif. Ils servent à attirer et mobiliser la jeunesse de moins de 30 ans autours des candidats et de leurs partis grâce à un support en ligne mais s’accompagnent d’un militantisme de terrain, dans la vie réelle.En revanche, il apparaît qu’en Russie, le niveau élevé et l’influence de ces jeunes sur Internet fournit un soutien pour les nouvelles institutions de la société civile. Le succès de la mobilisation des jeunes appartenant à la classe moyenne urbaine relève d’une combinaison de « citoyenneté » et de « massification » de la protestation sur le réseau.En 2013, la volonté et mobilisation active des jeunes dans le projet politique à permis l’émergence de l’opposant Alekseï Navalny, qui a réuni 27% des suffrages et atteint la seconde place aux élections municipales de Moscou. La quasi intégralité de sa campagne a été effectuée sur les réseaux sociaux. Si le fait est courant pour nombre de ses homologues occidentaux, il convient de relever que ce n’est pas habituel pour les politiciens russes. Cette campagne « révolutionnaire » d’A. Navalny a été rendue possible par le fort soutien des jeunes Moscovites qu’il a pu mobiliser sur le plus grand réseau russe : VKontakte. L’organisation de la campagne s’est presque entièrement fondée sur l’utilisation des réseaux sociaux, tant pour la distribution de tracts dans les rues, que la sensibilisation et les collectes de dons. / This thesis will focus on the analysis and systematization of the use of social networks in the presidential campaigns, both in France and in Russia in 2012, as well as in the municipal campaigns in Bordeaux and Moscow, in 2014 and 2013 respectively. The development of this thesis will also include the basic use of technologies, as well as the forms and methods of political online communication at the actual stage of their development.In this thesis, the examination of the political mechanisms used in France and Russia will be carried out in order to assess how social networks such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and VKontakte have developed into a powerful tool, with their main aim being to attract more and more young people to actively participate in the election campaigns as well as the voting process in general.Through the conduction of interviews with the chiefs of French Youth Movements, such as the Young Socialists (Gironde), the People’s Young (Gironde), and the Young of National Front (Gironde), we have found that these movements tend to have an overall peaceful nature in France. They aim to attract and mobilize young people (of up to 30 years old) to provide support both online and in the real world, for candidates of the major French political parties, namely the UMP, the Socialist Party and the National Front.In comparison, in Russia, the high level presence and influence of Youth Movements on the Internet provides support for new institutions forming in civil society. The success of the youth mobilization from the urban middle class can be explained by the combination of “civic consciousness” and “massive involvement”.In 2013, young Russians mobilized for active participation in the political life of Alexei Navalny, one of the leaders of the Russian opposition, who managed to obtain 27% of the votes in the municipal elections of Moscow, the equivalent to second place. His «revolutionary” electoral campaign was predominantly transmitted through social networks, notably through the use of VKontakte (the largest social network in Russia), in order to gain a large amount of support from young Moscovites. This action is deemed to be very uncommon among Russian politicians, and is more likely to be seen among Western homologues. Consequently, this led to the distribution of leaflets in the streets, in the subway, going door-to-door, as well as organizing the collection of donations for the campaign across networks.

War news and public relations (PR) was a critical consideration for the Canadian Army during the Second World War. The Canadian Army developed its PR apparatus from nothing to an efficient publicity machine by war’s end, despite a series of growing pains. Canadian Military Headquarters in London appointed the first PR Officer, William Abel, in January 1940. PR services overseas grew along with the size of the army. The early days were marked by lack of coordination and often jurisdictional and personality conflicts between Abel and the other PR Officers and organizations. The 19 August 1942 Dieppe raid was the low point for both the accuracy of war news and Canadian PR involvement because Lord Mountbatten’s Combined Operations Headquarters minimized Canadian PR’s involvement in planning. This resulted in early portrayals of the raid as successful and the British censored a more honest explanation by the Canadian Army. The Sicilian and Italian campaigns provided a learning experience for the PR units. In Sicily, the news coverage of the Canadians was a public success, but PR had trouble with their allies in gaining national recognition and representation. Additionally, the question of correspondents’ priorities and delays getting to the front and transportation difficulties angered the press. Many of these problems continued in Italy until the appointment of Richard Malone, who enjoyed support from the politicians, press, and military. Applying the Mediterranean experience and participating in Allied publicity planning contributed to the excellence of Canadian PR during the Northwest Europe Campaign. PR maintained the confidence of the press while still controlling the correspondents. The army also largely overcame the temptation to censor bad news although this sometimes embarrassed Ottawa. Allied regulations sanitized war news preventing the reporting of the more disturbing aspects of war. Through censorship, the army exercised a great deal of control over the news media, yet this hegemony was incomplete because of need to keep the press friendly. Although a large sceptical minority remained, most Canadians considered their war news to be accurate. In sum, Canadian Army PR was generally successful, portraying the army positively and attracting media coverage.

The aim of my diploma thesis was to design a digital campaign for Atos IT Solutions and Services, s.r.o., which offers solutions in the B2B market. In the theoretical part of the thesis I have described the concepts related to marketing, digital marketing, the tools used in this field and the steps that the digital campaign goes through, Market analysis, SWOT analysis, campaign goals, target group, campaign budget. In the analytical part, I introduced Atos IT Solutions and Services, s.r.o. company, which operates in the IT sector and offers digital solutions to other companies that are active on the Czech market. At the beginning of this chapter, I analyzed the company's existing marketing activities so that we could, if necessary, build on the company's current activities.

Rinkiminė kampanija yra ypatingai reikšminga politinio proceso dalis, nes tuomet bet kokia kaina stengiamasi parduoti savo “produktą”. Politikos veikėjai, siekdami įgyti rėmėjų, privalo patraukti visuomenę, o tam pasiekti gali būti naudojami skirtingi politikų komunikacijos stiliai. Politikui svarbu pasirinkti tokį komunikacijos stilių, kuris padėtų pasiekti kuo didesnę dalį tikslinės auditorijos ir ją pritraukti. Politiko rinkimų kampanijos stilių ir padeda nustatyti žiniasklaida, kuri įvardina ir įvertina kandidato stilių: įvairias/keletą priemonių naudoja; negatyvią/pozityvią, aktualią/neaktualią žinią nori perduoti; daug/nedaug, mielai/vengdamas bendrauja su žmonėmis ir pan. Tyrimo objektas – D. Cameron ir G. Brown rinkimų kampanija, tyrimo dalykas – D. Cameron ir G. Brown komunikacijos stiliaus formavimas rinkiminės kampanijos metu. Šio darbo tikslas – išsiaiškinti D. Cameron ir G. Brown rinkiminės kampanijos komunikacijos stiliaus bruožus. Iškeliamos dvi pagrindinės hipotezės: H1:D. Cameron, būdamas opozicinės partijos lyderis, rinkimų kampanijoje naudoja negatyvią informaciją, nukreipta prieš G. Brown vyriausybę; H2: G. Brown, būdamas pozicijos premjeras, remiasi pozityvia taktika, tikėdamasis dar penkerių metu. Tyrimo metu nustatyta, kad Cameron rinkiminė kampanija buvo kuriama nuosekliai, siekiant sukurti modernios partijos lyderio įvaizdį, tačiau nepavyko visiškai atsiriboti nuo M. Thatcher ir jos sukurto partijos prekės ženklo. Rinkiminės kampanijos šūkiai buvo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Election campaign is extremely significant part of political process, when politicians are trying to sell their ‘product’ at any price. They must attract support from the public and in order to achieve it, they can use different types of political communications. It is important to choose the right style, the one that could reach the biggest amount of aimed public and help to gain their support. Media identifies and judges the style of election campaign of candidate: how many/ few tools are being used; what sort of message is desired to be sent- negative/positive, relevant/irrelevant; how he/she communicates with public, a lot/ little, pleasantly or tries to avoid a contact. Object of the assay- D. Cameron and G. Brown general election campaign, subject- a formation of communication style of D. Cameron and G. Brown during the campaign. The aim of this work- to elucidate the features of communication style of D. Cameron and also G. Brown‘s election campaign. There are main two hypotheses that will be tested: H1: D. Cameron, the leader of opposition, is using a negative information against G. Brown and his government during his election campaign; H2: G. Brown as a prime minister is using a positive tactic and expects to win elections again. The investigation shows that Cameron election campaign has been established gradually, in order to create a modern image of the leader of party, but failed to distance from M. Thatcher and her established brand. Electoral campaign... [to full text]

The dissertation investigates a constitutional amendment to the 2012 legislation of the presidential election. The amendment introduced an election of the president through a popular vote, which was a historical milestone for the Czech legal system. However, the new adjustment was adopted in haste and evinces many deficiencies; that was proven in the 2013 presidential election. Therefore, the aim of the dissertation is to describe problematical parts of the new legal adjustment and find some possible solutions. The main topics are as follows: 1) modification of the basic concepts of the election system, 2) candidate nomination process, 3) election campaign funding and 4) ethical aspects of the election campaign. A comparison of legal adjustments of 14 EU countries with the direct presidential election (the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, Finland, France, Croatia, Ireland, Cyprus, Lithuania, Poland, Portugal, Austria, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia) was done, in order to find appropriate solutions. Apart from the results of comparison, the dissertation is based on reports by GRECO, OSCE and the corresponding Czech judicature. In conclusion, the Czech adjustment of the presidential election meets every democratic principle, but, at the same time, contains many mistakes. Especially the queries of "election campaign...

所有的選舉競爭都在既定的環境中進行。競選活動的效果，也就在於候選人是否能正確評估自身在既定環境及個人條件上的優劣勢，從而運用競選策略與戰術來凸顯有利因素、修正或淡化不利因素，以取得規劃中的足夠選票來獲得勝選。於此，本論文以馬英九在1998年台北市長選舉中所運用的競選策略為例，提出一個研究候選人競選策略的分析架構，作為理解選戰中候選人採用各種策略的動機及行為的基礎。在方法上，本論文採取整體資料分析法、文獻分析法、調查研究法、以及深入訪談法等方法配合運用，期能經由對馬英九陣營競選行為的觀察，為當前候選人競選策略研究作進一步驗證，並作為往後競選理論深化發展的基礎。 如何以挑戰者的身份擊敗具優良政績的的在位市長，是馬英九從事選舉競爭的最大問題。在選舉競爭條件的評估方面，國民黨在台北市擁有的三成實力加上新黨約兩成五的政黨實力，共同建構出馬英九的過半潛力，成為馬英九爭勝的有利基礎。在新黨勢弱下，馬英九陣營便將勝選聯盟設定在以國民黨傳統票為基礎，並在預期新黨票源將有效回流下，將本土性票源視為勝選目標群。但在李登輝因素造成新黨票源與本土性票源的矛盾下，馬陣營以中間選民訴求作為一個兼顧此兩種票源的最適位置。在策略抉擇上，馬陣營採取候選人中心策略作為選戰議程，並分別針對不同票源群體取不同策略進行訴求：針對國民黨傳統票源，馬陣營採取政黨中心戰術來進行強化式策略；針對新黨票源，馬陣營則分別以「一路走來、始終如一」的候選人中心戰術及「打造世界級首都」的議題中心戰術來進行甄補式策略；針對本土票源，馬陣營則以「台灣第一、台北第一」的議題中心戰術進行甄補式策略。在選舉戰術的應用方面，無論是自我推銷的訴求策略、阻斷對手策略效果的攻擊策略、或者回應對手攻擊或重大事件發展的回應策略，也都扣緊預定之候選人中心的選戰議程。而在組織動員方面，馬陣營也配合馬英九所具資源設計競選組織並進行基層動員。 就選舉結果來看，新黨支持者的大幅流動所造成的國、新合流，尤其是外省籍選民近乎一面倒地支持馬英九，是馬英九勝選主因。這顯示馬英九的競選策略基本上是成功的，即在國民黨傳統票及新黨票源的爭取上達成目標，但在本土票源的爭取上則不如想像中順利。 第一章 緒論 壹、 研究動機與目的 貳、 研究主題的背景 參、 文獻檢閱 肆、 研究方法 第二章 選區的政治生態 壹、 台北市的人文區位背景 貳、 台北市政治生態環境變遷 參、 小結 第三章 競選初期的策略 壹、 競選初期的主要事件 貳、 競爭條件評估與策略抉擇 參、 競選組織的建立 肆、 策略制定與執行 伍、 小結 第四章 競選中期的策略 壹、 競選中期的主要事件 貳、 主要訴求策略及運用 參、 攻擊策略之應用與調整 肆、 回應策略 伍、 組織與動員 陸、 策略效果 柒、 小結 第五章 競選後期的策略 壹、 主要競選活動 貳、 議題訴求 參、 向對手的攻擊策略 肆、 回應對手攻擊的策略 伍、 造勢活動 陸、 小結 第六章 結論 壹、 研究發現 貳、 檢討與建議 參考書目