La question principale de notre travail de recherche est: A quel type d'organisation internationale appartient l'OCS et quels sont ses buts d'existence ? Pourquoi les pays-membres coopèrent-ils au sein de l'Organisation ? Pourquoi coopèrent-ils dans des domaines dont ils ont établi les règles de coopération et sur quelles questions spécifiques ont-ils choisi de répondre ? Quels sont ses règles et les mécanismes de prise de décision, et quels sont sa structure organisationnelle et son mode de fonctionnement ? La deuxième question est : quelles sont ses raisons d'existence, ses buts et ses objectifs? Et la troisième interrogation est quelles sont ses promesses (potentiels) et ses limites ? En se basant sur la « théorie » des organisations internationales, à quel type d'organisation internationale l'OCS peut-elle appartenir ? Une Organisation de coopération ou d'intégration ? On peut se demander quels sont les véritables objectifs d'une telle organisation. Est-ce que l'OCS a pour but de contrebalancer l'Occident ou y a-t-il d'autres raisons à son existence ? Quelles sont ces raisons ? Pour répondre à ces interrogations, deux hypothèses doivent être mises en évidence. Dans la première hypothèse, l'OCS est une organisation de coopération régionale comme beaucoup d'autres organisations régionales déjà existantes (OTAN, OTSC, CEI, etc.) Dans la deuxième hypothèse, l'OCS est une organisation néo-réaliste ou même néo-libérale étant donné que de simple coopération elle se transforme en une organisation d'intégration régionale, qui conduit à l'apparition d'une nouvelle région unique (unifiée) et qui se dirige vers le régionalisme. / The main question of our research is what kind of international organization is the SCO and what are its reasons for existence? In terms of the theory of international organizations to which type of international organization, the SCO can belong? The Organization of cooperation or integration? One wonders what the real objectives of the organization. Is the SCO aims to counteract the West, or there are other reasons for its existence? What are those reasons? Is it destined to exercise a single regional role in the manner of existing organizations such as CSTO, ECO, CIS, etc..., or does it move into the ranks of a world power? Are the objectives of the existence of this structure is to serve the great powers like Russia and China or it is also to serve to the small countries of Central Asia? Do the member countries have common objectives or individual, selfish? Is the SCO is an instrument of countries to achieve their national interests or they have a common desire to unite and grow together, to be a force in an "unfair" world?To answer these questions, two assumptions should be highlighted.For the first case, the SCO is a regional cooperation organization like many other existing regional organizations (NATO, CSTO, CIS, etc.). The SCO is an instrument of foreign policy of member countries to achieve its objectives joint problem solving as: regional security, economic development and cooperation policyIn the latter case, the SCO is transformed from mere cooperation in the organization of regional integration, which leads to the emergence of a new region (unified) - which moves towards regionalism. To these questions our dissertation is dedicated.

A Ásia Central tem sido, para a Federação Russa e a República Popular da China, uma zona de cooperação estratégica desde o fim da URSS em 1991. Desde então, desenvolve-se um regime de segurança que congrega, além das duas potências, Cazaquistão, Quirguistão, Tadjiquistão, Turcomenistão e Uzbequistão. Acredita-se, porém, que a efetiva cooperação entre Moscou e Pequim é limitada nesta parte do globo devido ao não desenvolvimento de um regime energético (focado em hidrocarbonetos) que envolva todos os países da região e que seja encabeçado por Rússia e China. Para demonstrar isto, busca-se apresentar as diferentes posições internacionais e as percepções destes dois países no tocante aos hidrocarbonetos e às suas diferentes prioridades geopolíticas. Além disto, sugere-se, ao final do trabalho, que um eficaz desenvolvimento de uma cooperação forte e abrangente entre os dois países deve se basear em um regime securitário-energético regional que inclua a Ásia Central em uma lógica sino-russa de gerenciamento mútuo tanto da segurança quanto do fluxo de hidrocarbonetos. / For both the Russian Federation and the People\'s Republic of China, Central Asia has been a zone of strategic cooperation since the dissolution of the USSR in 1991. From then on, a security regime encompassing those powers as well as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan has developed. We believe, however, that effective cooperation between Moscow and Beijing is limited in this part of the globe due to the non-development of a (hydrocarbon-based) energy regime that includes all countries in the region under the leadership of Russia and China. To demonstrate this argument we shall present the different international positions and perceptions of those two countries concerning hydrocarbons and their different geopolitical priorities. In addition, we suggest at the end of this study that effective development of a strong and comprehensive cooperation between both countries must stem from a regional security-energy regime that includes Central Asia in a Chinese-Russian logic of mutual management of both security and hydrocarbon flow.

The dissertation deals with the phenomenon of hybrid regimes, specifically applied to the case of Kyrgyzstan. The main emphasis is placed on the 2005 Tulip Revolution and the regime of Kurmanbek Bakiyev installed by this event. Applying the theoretical concepts of hybrid regimes and regime change, the dissertation verifies the hypothesis that Kyrgyzstan's post-2005 political system retained its hybrid character and kept being neither a democracy nor an authoritarian regime. In this light, the Tulip Revolution brought about only a change of the leadership (as usual in coups d'état), not regime change (as might have been ushered by a democratic revolution).

Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:22:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Carlos Augusto Lopes de Oliveira.pdf: 2407806 bytes, checksum: 63ef80ed25120c04a6834768517b0a5e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work describes the territorial formation process and the social organization of the countries that constitutes the Ferghana Valley in Central Asia and analyses the violent and non-violent conflict scenarios from 1999 to 2010. From that, it is evaluated the causes of conflict in the region of Batken province, which covers the enclaves of Vorukh and Sokh, pointing as driving variables the disputes for water, fertile land and the ethnic clashes, while it is identified regional and local threats of separatism, organized crime and terrorism as potential agents of intra-regional cooperation and with foreign powers. It is described the great powers USA, EU, Russia and China presence in the region and it is evaluated their roles in the establishment of security, under the prism of the Security Regional Complex theory, and in the conflict prevention, being by direct actions among central governments, or being by government agencies in the studied scenarios. It is concluded that the political and security scenario of Ferghana Valley changed deeply after the year of 1999 and that the securitization of non-traditional themes and the nationalism are the causes of conflict in the region. / Este trabalho descreve o processo de formação territorial e organização social dos países que constituem o Vale Fergana, na Ásia Central e analisa os cenários de conflitos violentos e não-violentos de 1999 a 2010. A partir disto, avalia-se as causas de conflitos na região da província de Batken, a qual abarca os enclaves de Vorukh e Sokh, apontando como variáveis impulsionadoras as disputas por água, terra e os confrontos étnicos, ao passo que identifica-se as ameaças regionais e locais do separatismo, o crime organizado e o terrorismo como agentes potenciais de cooperação intra-regional e com potências externas à região. É descrita a presença de grandes potências os EUA, a UE, a Rússia e a China e avalia-se o papel destas no estabelecimento da segurança, sob o prisma do Complexo Regional de Segurança, e na prevenção de conflitos, seja por ações diretas entre governos centrais, seja por agências governamentais nos cenários estudados. Conclui-se que o cenário político e de segurança do Vale Fergana transformou-se profundamente após o ano de 1999 e que a securitização de temas não tradicionais e o nacionalismo são causas de conflito na região.

Abstract not available.

Both Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan were part of the former Soviet Union and were integrated into its political, economic and governance systems. As Union republics, they remained isolated from the outside world, with little direct interaction with external actors. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, both Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan established relations with a number of bilateral donors and multilateral development agencies. Despite their many similarities (e.g., social, cultural, religious, linguistic, geographic) and a shared history, the two countries’ post-Soviet development trajectories diverged dramatically. While Kyrgyzstan quickly launched transition reforms, liberalizing its economy and polity with support from external donors, Turkmenistan adopted a more gradual approach to political and economic reform and managed to minimize the influence of external actors in domestic affairs. This thesis analyzes the donor-recipient interaction in Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan across three sectors: governance, rural development, and environment. The analysis focuses on the management of aid through an anthropological, political economy-directed inquiry of relations between foreign donors and aid recipients at the micro level (daily interactions in managing aid). Collective action theory, evolutionary theory and adaptive behavior approaches are utilized to analyze the interaction on micro-level. However, the analysis is also situated in a broader, macro-level context of development and security priorities of the two states, for which the realist branch of the international relations theories is applied. Methodologically, the study is based on the triangulation of findings from various sources, including the content analysis of primary and secondary sources as well as the analysis of over 60 semi-structured interviews involving government and donor officials from the two countries. The thesis does not attempt to analyze whether development aid was effective. Instead, using similar analyses of aid interactions (Mosse, 2005; Swedlund, 2017), this thesis aims to investigate how aid interactions ‘happen’ (Wedel, 1998). While I agree that the sustainability of development aid is hampered by the inability of both donors and recipients to ‘make credible commitments’ (Swedlund, 2017), in this thesis I argue that aid interactions are also influenced by other factors, namely the political sensitivity of the sectors to which the aid is given (governance, rural development, environment), regime characteristics, availability or absence of natural resource-based revenues, and geopolitics. These factors, taken together, affect the aid bargaining process in important ways. The thesis makes a three-fold contribution to the existing knowledge on aid relations. First, it expands the knowledge on the agency of recipient governments by putting them at the core of the analysis. Second, it contributes to the very limited number of cross-sectoral and cross-country comparative studies on both aid management and on public policy making in general and in Central Asia in particular. Thirdly, it provides a detailed account of how development aid has been managed in Turkmenistan, a country on which no serious academic literature related to aid management has been produced to date.

This thesis is a study of interethnic relationships between the ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley, the cross-border zone between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, from independence to 2005. It argues that strong ethnic tension between the ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz was present during 'the Yellow Revolution' and the Andijan massacre in that year. The economically dominant ethnic Uzbeks in southern Kyrgyzstan played a role in initiating the opposition due to ongoing political marginalization by the government, while the opposition appealed to Kyrgyz ethno-nationalism and failed to draw wider political support from the Uzbeks or other minorities. As a result, there the ethnic minorities' lines were divided into pro-Akaev and pro-Revolution group. In the case of the Andijan massacre, the Uzbek government, after the arrival of the Uzbek asylum seekers into Kyrgyzstan territory on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley, had stirred latent fears amongst local Kyrgyz through their propaganda broadcasting. The economically marginalized ethnic Kyrgyz on the Kyrgyzstan side of the Uzbek-Kyrgyz border on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley had subsequently turned against the refugees and the tension was not alleviated until the refugees were moved to Romania by UNHCR. Both cases exhibit that the ethnic tension between these titular ethnic groups has deeper roots, which could be taken back to the pre-1991 Soviet era. A range of dynamics affect interethnic relations: (1) the potential for harmonious relations between the ethnic Uzbeks and Kyrgyz has been reduced by the rise of 'pure Uzbek' and 'pure Kyrgyz' ethnic-nationalism among these two ethnic communities in their newly created states; (2) a new economic aspect of the ethnic tension has arisen since 1991 in both eastern Uzbekistan and southern Kyrgyzstan as a result of the ethnic Uzbeks dominating the local economy in southern Kyrgyzstan; and (3) clan networks have strongly influenced the flow of post-independence politics. The revival of Islam and fundamentalist and radical ideologies, before and after independence had added complexity to the ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz relationships in the Ferghana Valley. Initially democratic nationalists and Islamic nationalists shared some goals, but this commonality faded as Islamic groups became to be seen as a critic and a threat to the Uzbek government and were subsequently banned. The ethnic Uzbeks express more religiosity than the ethnic Kyrgyz, while the majority of the supporters of Islamic fundamentalism and radicalism are the Uzbeks and a smaller number of ethnic Kyrgyz supporters. The failure of post-independence economic transitions of both countries have deepened rural poverty in eastern Uzbekistan and southern Kyrgyzstan, and gradually created collective poverty on the Uzbek-Kyrgyz border zone on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley. The ethnic Kyrgyz have been victimized by the deepening rural poverty on both sides of the border. As a result, creation of 'poorer Kyrgyz' vs. 'richer Uzbeks' dynamic has sharpened the conflict between these two ethnicities.

<p>Karakalpakstan, Uzbekistan, has faced water scarcity and low water during several years as a consequence of Uzbekistan’s extensive irrigation of cotton fields. The environmental status of the Mejdurechye Reservoir, which is the largest in the lower Amudarya Delta, is therefore of great local importance. This thesis quantifies pollutant mass flows through the reservoir, concidering for instance salt, DDT and Lindane (HCH). Surface water flow paths through Mejdurechye Reservoir are also conceptualized in order to provide suggestions for future a possible monitoring program.</p><p>Results show that chloride concentrations have decreased during July 2007-2008 with at least 10% in spite of a large specific evaporation and a reservoir volume reduction of at least 60%. The most important implication of this is that pollutants in the reservoir cannot have been subject of evapoconcentration during this period. DDT and Lindane have on the other hand increased with up to 50000% in concentration and 20000% mass compared to measurements dating back to 2002. A rough age estimation of DDT shows that the DDT has been mobilized recently. The results of this thesis may prove valuable when forming environmental policy plans and setting up future monitoring programs.</p>

<p>Central Asia is a region strategically located on the crossroads of the two continents. The region is represented by five states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) with different level of economic development and with the population amounting to over 60 million people. The region is rich in energy resources, represented by oil, gas, coal and hydropower resources.</p><p>The thesis analyses, assesses and scrutinises one of the topical issues of the contemporary international relations - cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states before and after adoption in June 2007 of the ‘European Union and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership’, an important political document in the history of relations between the two parties.</p><p>The new stage of cooperation is analysed more comprehensively accentuating priorities set in the Strategy. Analysis of the current state of affairs is conducted concerning some important issues of the Strategy related to regional cooperation between Central Asian states, such as integrated water management and development of hydro-energy system, issues of diversification of hydrocarbons supply routes from the region to Europe and provision of energy security, etc.</p><p>Issues of cooperation between the European Union and Tajikistan are analysed as a case study. State of affairs between some of the European Union member-states and Central Asian countries is characterised.</p><p>The thesis also scrutinises other regional/international actors engaged in cooperation with Central Asia (such as China, Russia, the US, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, etc.) and their potential for interaction with the European Union for more effective joint solution of the problems existing in the region is assessed.</p><p>In the conclusion, development of cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states is scrutinised, the problems and their possible solutions in this regard are analysed, and the recommendations for increasing effectiveness of cooperation between the two parties are presented.</p><p>The European Union’s foreign policy in Central Asia is interpreted from perspective of the theories of international relations namely neorealism, neoliberalism and constructivism in the end of every chapter.</p>

Regionalism in Central Asia is often identified with the dominance of tribal affiliations in politics. This classification, however, is problematic because it neglects the extent of social change under the Soviet rule. In Soviet Turkmenistan state structures were relatively strong. However, personal relations within the Communist party had preserved patrimonial elements within the state. The dissolution of the Soviet Union led to a stronger patrimonialization of authority relations. In Turkmenistan, this process led to an extreme form of a neo-patrimonial state due to the personal and arbitrary rule of its president Nijazov.