This thesis is an examination of Charles I of England’s projection of kingship through Sir Anthony van Dyck portraits during his personal rule. These portraits provide important insight into Charles’ vision of kingship because they were commissioned by the king and displayed at court, revealing that his kingship rested on complementary ideals of traditional kingship in addition to divine right. In this thesis, Charles’ van Dyck portraits are studied in the context of seventeenth-century ideals of paterfamilias, knight, and gentleman. These ideals provide important cultural narratives which were seen to be reflective of legitimacy, power, and masculinity, which in turn gave legitimacy to Charles’ kingship. The system of values and ideals represented in Charles’ portraits reveal that his vision of kingship was complex and nuanced, demonstrating that divine right was just one aspect of many, upon which his kingship was premised. / viii, 164 leaves : [18] leaves of color plates ; 29 cm

In his evocative account of walking through Restoration London, the seventeenth-century diarist Samuel Pepys conveys a vibrant city comprised of movement, exchange, and conflict. We follow Pepys, for example, into the coffee-house on his insatiable search for news and political argument. Within urban space he is equally persistent, noting the ritual demarcation of urban boundaries at moments of tension between London and the Crown, or describing how the city's spaces were alarmingly transformed by the presence of disease. This is hardly the London imagined by scholars of the Restoration, who have characterized this historical moment of the return of Charles II and restoration of monarchical government to England as a time of concord after the violent struggles resulting in civil war at mid-century. It is telling that one of the first strategies adopted by Charles IPs government to stabilize a volatile situation in London was to assert control over print. At this moment, though, print culture served to open up urban space in new ways, becoming a mode of opportunity for individuals like Pepys. My dissertation considers precisely the interrelation between these spaces and forms of print. Like Pepys, my thesis journeys through the city, stopping at the Restoration coffee-house. These spaces of congregation, where print was displayed and purchased, appeared in significant numbers around the Royal Exchange after 1660. The coffee-house has been given mythic proportions in the twentieth century as the foundation of a modern public sphere. However, as this thesis will show, instead of producing an abstract and universal realm of public opinion, the coffee-house was an actual space formed through contestation, and through a struggle taking place between an older form of subjectivity and a newer urban culture. Another site of urban contestation shaped through print was the street processions staged by Whigs during the Exclusion Crisis, a moment of increased City and Crown tensions. Within these political struggles, the unexpected also had its part to play. The crisis brought on by bubonic plague in 1665 generated prints mediating all kinds of conflicts, but especially the social practices of flight and quarantine. The sudden destruction of the city within the walls by fire in 1666 was met by mapping and picturing the ruins that struggled to account for the void in the urban centre. My dissertation concludes with a series of unique prints which represent an ephemeral city built on the in-between space of the frozen Thames. This unexpected suspension of the everyday rhythms of London led to its festive re-imagining. In conclusion, I address the significance of the location of both print and the coffeehouse at the very centre of this urban space.

The outbreak and continued progress of the Irish rebellion of 1641 played a significant role in the birth and development of domestic newsbooks in England between 1641--49. This thesis examines the manner in which these periodicals reported the insurrection to their readers. As relations between king and parliament deteriorated during the winter of 1641--42, the attention awarded to this uprising by these publications helped to ensure that Ireland became a popular concern. Weekly chronicles of Irish affairs continued unabated after the onset of civil war in England. Amid fears that Ireland could be utilized by Charles I in his struggle with Westminster, pro-parliamentary, and subsequently pro-royalist editors employed the rebellion as part of a propaganda war that accompanied armed conflict in all three Stuart kingdoms. Accordingly, this study suggests that a principle stratagem of the newsbooks was not necessarily to communicate news of Irish matters, but more often than not, their motivation lay in manipulating accounts relating to the rebellion in order to wage political combat in England.

The aim of the dissertation is a comparative analysis of the English royal court in the first half of the 17th century. The analytical part of the dissertation focuses on researching processes that influenced the structure and roles in the royal court in regards to the political, religious, economic, social and cultural development of the world. The benchmarks represent the personality of the ruler, institutional structure and personnel composition of the court, its financing and its culture. The comparison is a defined period of time between the beginning of James I (1603) and the end of the personal rule of Charles I (1640). The dissertation is based on critical analysis of the sources and studies of secondary literature. One of the features of the Royal Court during the rule of James I was the rivalry of various factions. In the interest of retaining a balance in power, the monarch revealed selected offices only to members of his Scottish clubs. Targeted strengthening of the influences of selected institutions of court, especially Bedchamber, ended up contributing to a significant weakening of the unitary system of the government, where the Privy Council played a key role up until then. In addition, between 1603 and 1625, there became a strong concentration of power in the hands of the royal...

- Educators in the Service of the Throne. Private Teachers of the Austrian- Hungarian Imperial Heirs Several potential successors were growing up during the lengthy reign of Emperor Franz Joseph I. But two of them, the Emperor's own son Crown Prince Rudolph and his nephew Franz Ferdinand, could never ascend to the throne due to their premature deaths. His grandnephew, Archduke Charles Franz Joseph, claimed the throne in the tense times of the First World War. For a would-be successor, not only military education was essential, but also language skills and such subjects as history, law and economy that the future ruler of a vast and ethnically diverse state was expected to have a good command of. This paper focuses on the lives of teachers who attended both the Emperor's and the Archduke's courts.

The present study is intended to contribute to our knowledge of the intellectual history of early modern Castile by examining a work which has heretofore been ignored by historians of 'Golden Age' historiography - De motu Hispaniae, an account of the Comunidades of Castile (1520-1521) written by the Spanish humanist cleric Juan Maldonado (c. 1485-1554). In the Introduction we specify the methodology to be employed - a close reading of De motu Hispaniae - and survey current scholarship on Maldonado and on the intellectual history of Castile in our period. The argument proper begins in Chapter One, where we set the stage for our textual analysis by examining what little information we possess on Maldonado's life up to and including the year in which De motu Hispaniae was completed, 1524. Special attention is given to the two aspects of Maldonado's biography which are most relevant to our inquiry - humanism and patronage. With respect to the former, we show that the two figures crucial in his education at the University of Salamanca were the humanists Christophe de Longueil and Lucio Flaminio Siculo, who inspired him to pursue a career as a teacher of the studia humanitatis and introduced him to the classical writers whose influence is most evident in De motu Hispaniae - Cicero and Sallust. We also examine the relationship between Maldonado and two of his patrons, Pedro de Cartagena and Diego Osorio, both of whom figure prominently in De motu Hispaniae. Maldonado's close ties to the latter are especially important, for in De motu Hispaniae he contrasts Osorio's loyalty during the Comunidades with the disloyalty displayed by his half-brother, the Comunero Bishop of Zamora, Antonio de Acuña., In Chapter Two we show that the comparison is modelled on Sal-lust's Bellum Catilinae, and we suggest that it may have been prompted, at least in part, by Maldonado's desire to defend his friend and patron against (false) charges that he betrayed his king during the rebellion. The bulk of Chapter Two is given over to the presentation of textual evidence from De motu Hispaniae which indicates that, in general, Maldonado subscribed to the canons and conventions which governed the practice of classical Roman historians and their Renaissance epigones. We also argue that Maldonado's 'philosophy of history' and his ideas on such historiographical basics as causation and periodization place him squarely in the humanist tradition, and distinguish him from the 'contemporary historians' of the Middle Ages, whose historiography reflected their religious training. Unlike these latter, Maldonado saw the historian's craft in remarkably secular terms, and De motu Hispaniae is devoid of the providential ism characteristic of much Castilian historiography. The best explanation for this, we suggest, is that for Maldonado, who had witnessed the political 'decline' of the early sixteenth century, the Hand of God was not easily discerned behind the destiny of Castile. Recognizing that the history of the Comunidades could not be written in pro-videntialist terms, Maldonado turned instead to a work which offered a secular interpretation of 'civil war' – Sallust's Bellum Catilinae. In Chapter Three we argue that Maldonado, a humanist is the literal sense of the word, was convinced of the value of rhetoric in public life, and committed to a 'Ciceronian' union of philosophy and eloquence. Not surprisingly, various forms of rhetorical discourse are also evident in De motu Hispaniae. After examining three aspects of this discourse oratio recta and two more or less complementary rhetorical formulae, one drawn from Sallust and the other from Cicero - we conclude that despite repeated professions of suprapartisanship, Maldonado's rhetoric reveals the depth of his ideological commitments. Our general conclusion is that Helen Nader is incorrect to assert that humanist historiography was a dead letter in sixteenth-century Castile. Our analysis of De motu Hispaniae shows otherwise, and also reveals that the two 'traditions' which Nader discerns behind the diversity of late medieval historiography contribute very little to our understanding of historical ideas during the 'Golden Age'. We suggest that an adequate understanding of this complex phenomenon might begin with a rehabilitation, with some revisions, of the currently discredited notion of an 'open Spain'. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

In his evocative account of walking through Restoration London, the seventeenth-century diarist Samuel Pepys conveys a vibrant city comprised of movement, exchange, and conflict. We follow Pepys, for example, into the coffee-house on his insatiable search for news and political argument. Within urban space he is equally persistent, noting the ritual demarcation of urban boundaries at moments of tension between London and the Crown, or describing how the city's spaces were alarmingly transformed by the presence of disease. This is hardly the London imagined by scholars of the Restoration, who have characterized this historical moment of the return of Charles II and restoration of monarchical government to England as a time of concord after the violent struggles resulting in civil war at mid-century. It is telling that one of the first strategies adopted by Charles IPs government to stabilize a volatile situation in London was to assert control over print. At this moment, though, print culture served to open up urban space in new ways, becoming a mode of opportunity for individuals like Pepys. My dissertation considers precisely the interrelation between these spaces and forms of print. Like Pepys, my thesis journeys through the city, stopping at the Restoration coffee-house. These spaces of congregation, where print was displayed and purchased, appeared in significant numbers around the Royal Exchange after 1660. The coffee-house has been given mythic proportions in the twentieth century as the foundation of a modern public sphere. However, as this thesis will show, instead of producing an abstract and universal realm of public opinion, the coffee-house was an actual space formed through contestation, and through a struggle taking place between an older form of subjectivity and a newer urban culture. Another site of urban contestation shaped through print was the street processions staged by Whigs during the Exclusion Crisis, a moment of increased City and Crown tensions. Within these political struggles, the unexpected also had its part to play. The crisis brought on by bubonic plague in 1665 generated prints mediating all kinds of conflicts, but especially the social practices of flight and quarantine. The sudden destruction of the city within the walls by fire in 1666 was met by mapping and picturing the ruins that struggled to account for the void in the urban centre. My dissertation concludes with a series of unique prints which represent an ephemeral city built on the in-between space of the frozen Thames. This unexpected suspension of the everyday rhythms of London led to its festive re-imagining. In conclusion, I address the significance of the location of both print and the coffeehouse at the very centre of this urban space. / Arts, Faculty of / Art History, Visual Art and Theory, Department of / Graduate

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En 1245, las tropas castellanas conquistaban Cartagena. Tras el intento alfonsí de conseguir una fuerte proyección mediterránea de Castilla, la costa murciana se convierte en un inmenso despoblado. Castilla, especialmente durante el siglo XIV, manifestó un claro desentendimiento de los asuntos mediterráneos. Sólo Cartagena, reducida a su mínima expresión urbana, sobrevive como único núcleo habitado hasta el nacimiento de Mazarrón en la segunda mitad del siglo XV.Los intereses políticos de los Reyes Católicos y la proyección de la Monarquía Hispánica en el Norte de África y el Mediterráneo occidental, recuperarán el importante papel de Cartagena y la costa murciana en el contexto geopolítico de la época. Se convirtió, en el siglo XVI, en la línea de retaguardia del gran frente abierto frente al Islam. Entonces, la costa murciana dejó de tener definitivamente un papel marginal en las maniobras políticas de la corona. / In 1245, the Castilian troops conquered Cartagena. After the attempt to achieve a strong Mediterranean projection of Castile during the reign of Alfonso X "the Wise", the coast of kingdom of Murcia becomes a vast desert. Castile, especially during the fourteenth century, has a clear misunderstanding of Mediterranean affairs. Only Cartagena, reduced to a minimum core urban, survives until the birth of Mazarrón in the second half of the fifteenth century. The political interests of the Catholic Monarchs and the projection of the Hispanic Monarchy in North Africa and the western Mediterranean, recovered the important role of Cartagena and the coast of Murcian district in the geopolitical context of the time. He became, in the sixteenth century, in rear line of the large open front face of Islam. Then, the coast of kingdom of Murcia finally stopped having a marginal role in the political maneuvers of the crown.