Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 1985. / Also available in print.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Maryland, College Park, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 299-314).

This Master's thesis deals with Sino-Japanese relations. Its aim is to answer to what extent the economic relations between China and Japan are affected by their political disputes, and whether political or economic interests are preferred. The first chapter tries to identify the most influential cultural and historical factors for the contemporary Sino-Japanese relations and also deals with the Senkaku Islands territorial dispute. The second chapter describes the development of the political and economic relations between China and Japan since the Second World War up to the present. The third chapter is dedicated to the future perspectives of the Sino-Japanese political and economic relations and to the changing roles of China and Japan in the Asia-Pacific region.

No description available.

Univ., Fak. für Wirtschaftswiss., Diss.--Magdeburg, 2005.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Pennsylvania, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 272-296).

ble agreement did not exist due to the involved parties' irreconcilable positions. Two hypoth- eses addressing factors that are exogenous to the negotiations such as the parties' underlying negotiators' pursuits within the Six

近年來，日本的防衛政策發生了許多重大的變化。如日本政府認可了「集團自衛權」的行使權、美日兩國修訂了新版的「美日防衛合作指針」以及日本國會通過了新的「安保法案」，這些變化勢必將帶給亞太地區不小的影響。在此之中，2013年，日本政府所制定的新「防衛計畫大綱」更顯示出了日本安全觀在面對快速變化的國際情勢之下，不停地求新求變以確保國家安全的意圖。 「防衛計畫大綱」是為日本防衛政策的最高指導方針，具有非常高的重要性。故本論文將以防衛計畫大綱作為基礎材料，對日本冷戰後的安全觀變遷進行研究。防衛計畫大綱至今(2016)共有五個版本，從第一版(1976年)到最新的第五版(2013)，橫跨了冷戰與後冷戰時代，其中各版的內容更是發生了許多變化。如冷戰時代，日本的主要威脅是來自於蘇聯的全面入侵。而到了後冷戰時代，防衛政策的重心則是開始創造能夠對應「複合事態」的新體制。 本論文將基於「新古典現實主義」與「歷史制度論」兩大理論的角度，對防衛計畫大綱展開分析。並特別著重於「政策的繼承性」、「國內政治勢力的演變」、「中日關係發展」以及「亞太地區安全形勢」等等議題。在探究日本安全觀變遷的同時，試圖理解日本防衛政策所具有的特殊性。 / Japan's defense policy changes significantly in recent years. New cabinet decision of the right of collective self-defense, new Guidelines for US-Japan Defense Cooperation and new national security bill. Definitely, those changes will impact Asia-Pacific Security. In those transitions, new Japanese National Defense Program Guideline(NDPG) will be a relevant reference to see why and how does Japanese security view get changed. This research will use NDPG as basic materials to find out the transition of Japan's security view in the Post-Cold War. NDPG has five editions for now. Form first edition(1976) to fifth edition(2013), NDPG can tell us what 's the difference of Japan 's security between Cold War and Post-Cold War. This research based on “Neoclassical Realism” and “Historical institutionalism” to analyze NDPG. Furthermore, we will concern of “Succession of policy”,” transition of domestic political power”,”China-Japan relations”and” Asia-Pacific Security”and so forth.

This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.

This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.