Submitted by Kamila Costa (kamilavasconceloscosta@gmail.com) on 2015-07-03T20:45:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Vinicius A Amaral.pdf: 2117711 bytes, checksum: 14558149b540846e77ed070beb3391ed (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2015-07-13T13:33:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Vinicius A Amaral.pdf: 2117711 bytes, checksum: 14558149b540846e77ed070beb3391ed (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2015-07-13T13:36:28Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Vinicius A Amaral.pdf: 2117711 bytes, checksum: 14558149b540846e77ed070beb3391ed (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-13T13:36:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Vinicius A Amaral.pdf: 2117711 bytes, checksum: 14558149b540846e77ed070beb3391ed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-10 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present dissertation aims to analyze the horizons of resistance to the authoritarian order implementation process in Manaus that followed in 1964 with the coup carried out by military groups with the open support of conservative sectors of the bourgeoisie, the landowners and the Catholic Church Brazilian. For this purpose we choose as instrument of this research the testimonials and the work of the Amazon Aldísio Filgueiras poet. As historical subjects who experienced that period and who was involved with different artistic genres then engaged against the dictatorship, Filgueiras offers us valuable study possibilities. Then, supported the reflections of the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu about symbolic violence, artistic field and biographical illusion, we look through the poet's experience channels of the revolt military order in Manaus between the years 1964 and 1968. / A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar os horizontes da resistência ao processo de implantação da ordem autoritária em Manaus que se seguiu em 1964 com o golpe efetuado por grupos militares com o franco apoio de setores conservadores da burguesia, dos latifundiários e da Igreja Católica brasileira. Para tanto escolhemos como instrumento dessa investigação os depoimentos e a obra do poeta amazonense Aldísio Filgueiras. Como sujeito histórico que vivenciou aquele período e que se envolveu com diferentes gêneros artísticos então comprometidos contra a ditadura, Filgueiras nos oferece possibilidades valiosas de estudo. Portanto, amparados nas reflexões do sociólogo francês Pierre Bourdieu sobre violência simbólica, campo artístico e ilusão biográfica, analisamos através da experiência do poeta os canais da revolta à ordem militar em Manaus entre os anos de 1964 e 1968.

A pesquisa teve como objetivo recuperar as redes de solidariedade formadas por mulheres que mantiveram ou não vínculos orgânicos com a ALN (Ação Libertadora Nacional) e que prestaram os mais diversos tipos de colaboração a essa organização, participando não apenas dos levantamentos para ações armadas ou diretamente de sua execução, mas desempenhando também um papel primordial na retaguarda do movimento armado. A colaboração dessas mulheres foi parte também das transformações que se processaram na sociedade da época com relação à participação da mulher no espaço público. Na militância política, elas também introduziram mudanças na divisão de papéis entre os sexos e ressignificaram sua participação no interior dos grupos nos quais se incorporaram. Sua atividade foi fundamental para garantir a vida de pessoas, bem como permitir a continuação das atividades da organização no Brasil, em especial nos momentos mais repressivos da ditadura. Muito além de pequenos gestos, como se supõe, essas mulheres formaram uma força discreta, que deu aos militantes clandestinos a estabilidade necessária para continuarem na luta. / The research aimed to restore the solidarity networks formed by women who maintained or no organic links with the ALN (National Liberation Action), which provided the most diverse types of contributions to that organization, participating not only from surveys or directly to armed actions his execution, but also playing a pivotal role in the rear of the armed movement. The collaboration of these women was also part of the changes which were processed in the society of that time with respect to women\'s participation in public space. In political activism, they also introduced changes in the division of roles between the sexes, and resignify their participation within the groups of which it is incorporated. Its activity was essential to safeguard the lives of people as well as to enable continuation of the organization\'s activities in Brazil, especially in the most repressive dictatorship. Much more than a minor adjustment, as is supposed, these women formed a slight force, which gave the clandestine militants stability to continue the fight.

This thesis will investigate the development of civil-military relations in Brazil since the democratization in 1985. The two most important previous studies, by Alfred Stepan and Wendy Hunter, will be presented and discussed. They where published in 1988 and 1997, respectively. There is therefore a need for a study that includes the development during the long period since these two books were published. The focus will be on three indicators, civilianization of government, how the role of the military has been defined, and military expenditures. The conclusions are that there are contradicting tendencies regarding the development of the civil-military relations, and that the strengthening of civilian institutions is paramount in order to consolidate democracy in Brazil.

Popular navalism in nineteenth-century Britain was a natural but not inevitable outcome of the geographical reality of an island nation possessing a large maritime empire. The long-term evolution of democracy and the rapid growth of the mass-circulation press transformed the civil-military relationship in the last decades of the century, leading to a series of naval scares. These were episodes of intense public interest and engagement in naval affairs, manifested through Parliamentary speeches, newspaper and periodical contributions and in private correspondence. Naval historians have emphasized technological and strategic narratives in the modernization of the Royal Navy, and in the process neglected the dramatic political struggles in 1884–94 that provided the vital precondition for naval reform and expansion — money. The relevant question is not whether the naval scares were objectively justified, but how public discourses were employed by individuals and interest groups to transform the naval political economy by creating a ‘blue-water’ strategic common sense that would support the creation of ocean-going battlefleets designed to win and maintain ‘command of the sea.’ A triangular relationship between the Government, the navy and the public, connected largely through the press, rapidly evolved over the course of three naval scares, in 1884, 1888 and 1893. A pro-navy political equilibrium was constructed that raised peacetime naval expenditure to unprecedented heights and laid the foundations for the more widely known reforms of the twentieth-century ‘Fisher Era.’ / Graduate / 2018-08-21

In 1986 Guatemala experienced a transition from authoritarian rule. Many issues affected the democratization process, but I argue that an essential aspect was civil- military relations. Thus, the principal question answered in this thesis is: How have civil-military relations determined the extent and nature of transition towards democracy in Guatemala from 1986-1990? Adopting Alfred Stepan’s model to examine civil-military relations, the prerogatives and contestation of the Guatemalan military were examined. Prerogatives exist when the military assumes the right to control an issue, while contestation involves open articulated conflict with civilian government. High military prerogatives and low contestation indicate a situation of unequal civilian accommodation, where civilians do not effectively control the military. Civil-military relations in Guatemala from 1986-1990 reflect a pattern of unequal civilian accommodation. This illustrates the lack of civilian control over the military and continued military dominance of the political system in Guatemala.

The following thesis analyzes why is the democratic rule of law stronger in Uruguay than in Mexico? This work focuses on the state of the democratic rule of law in Mexico and Uruguay. The premise of this thesis is that there is a gap in the literature on causes that have historically made Uruguay the country with the strongest democratic rule of law in Latin America and Mexico one with the weakest democratic rule of law. Historical institutionalism is used to see how the evolution of the sequencing of political regimes as well as the evolution of civil-military relations in the two countries may explain the divergent outcomes. Emphasizing path-dependency, this analysis is conducted using a methodology of process-tracing. This research serves to put forward propositions in the form of a testable hypothesis on the causes that have led Mexico and Uruguay down different paths when it comes to the democratic rule of law. It also serves to fill a gap in the literature as cross-national differences on rule of law in Latin America have not been sufficiently well-explained.

A civil-military divide exists within the United States and is perpetuated by a distinct lack of communication between the civilian and military sectors within the population. The purpose of this correlational study was to examine whether attitudes and behaviors of combat veterans affect their positive reintegration into civilian communities. Binder’s social ecology theory provided the framework for the study. Data were collected from 255 combat veterans who responded to a survey. Results were analyzed using a hierarchical multiple linear regression model to determine the influence of military job satisfaction, post-deployment stressors, post-deployment support, and civic engagement on community reintegration efforts, while controlling for age, branch of military service, place of residence, political party affiliation, education, rank, reason for ending military service, and sex. There were statistically significant results that indicate prediction for successful community reintegration may be dependent upon the identification of key associations, including post-deployment support, education, rank, and the reason an individual transitioned out of military service. Findings may also provide policymakers with information about the community reintegration process, which may be used to improve reintegration efforts of combat veterans transitioning back to civilian life for positive social change.

Why do militaries intervene in politics in some countries and not in others? Existing theories of civil-military relations do not adequately explain military politics around the world. This dissertation provides an alternative, political-economy explanation and argues that strength of property rights instituted by a state shapes the degree of civilian supremacy over its military. I show that secure property rights induce efficient allocation of resources and contribute to sustained economic growth, which helps accommodate group interests and increases trust among them. This helps create consensus among individuals and groups on the institutions of the state, which increases the legitimacy of the state and the credibility of its institutions. High levels of legitimacy and credibility of civilian institutions enable the state to make policy decisions independent of the military, thereby reducing the ability of the military to intervene in politics. Secure property rights also constrain the arbitrary behavior of the state to politicize the military and inspire the state to uphold merit-based, professional norms in the armed forces, which prevent spillover of social cleavages into the ranks of the military. This reinforces military professionalism and helps reduce the disposition of the military to intervene in politics. Finally, secure property rights provide incentives to the groups to uphold existing institutions and pursue their interests through the markets. As a result, groups refrain from “knocking on the door” of the military to secure their interests, which reduces the opportunity for the military to intervene in politics.

This thesis aims to test the causal connection between internal security threats and political intervention by the military in states which have recently transitioned to democracy. In order to investigate this, a comparative case study is conducted between the recent case of Myanmar and the case of the Philippines in the 1980s with the aim of investigating how the presence of internal conflict in the two countries has impacted the level of military influence post-transition. This is investigated through a qualitative analysis of the countries’ constitutions as well as statements by political and military leaders in order to investigate how the issues of internal conflict and the role of the military are defined, perceived and portrayed. The results of the study demonstrate that differences in these areas may explain why the military in Myanmar has managed to intervene more successfully. <img src="blob:https://uu.diva-portal.org/f8bb8d04-2f8c-4176-a36d-2e9876197374" />

This dissertation seeks to explain why states sometimes produce disintegrated wartime grand strategies; doing so is of both scholarly and policy importance because wartime grand strategy is a key component of military effectiveness, and therefore has a vital role to play in military victory or defeat. To do so, this dissertation explores the link between militarism, civil-military bargaining, and the formation of integrated—or disintegrated—grand strategy. I hypothesize that civilians and military leaders possess divergent preferences over the use of force that are exogenous to any one conflict, and represent enduring, rational preference divergences between civilian and military positions on the use of force. Under conditions of militarism, defined as high levels of societal admiration for the military, the civil-military bargaining space will be distorted in favor of military preferences, with the military having more power in the civil-military negotiating process due to its potentially outsized ability to shape public opinion compared to civilians. This will lead to the formation of disintegrated grand strategy—one which does not balance civilian and military preferences—which has been shown in the literature to be linked to reduced military effectiveness. I provide evidence for my hypotheses in the form of two case studies which are examined via process-tracing methodology—the United States performance in the 1991 Gulf War, and the United States performance in the 2003 invasion of Iraq. I conclude that under conditions of militarism, states produce disintegrated wartime grand strategies.