Esta dissertação analisa as memórias do general e agente secreto francês, Paul Aussaresses, veterano da Resistência Francesa na Segunda Guerra Mundial e das guerras da Indochina (1946-1954) e da Argélia (1954-1962). Sua competência como agente de informação adquirida nesses eventos o tornaram elemento importante dentro dos Serviços Secretos franceses. Em virtude de sua especialidade, a doutrina da guerra revolucionária um método militar não convencional de luta contra insurgentes que pressupõe prisões arbitrárias, tortura, execuções sumárias e terror psicológico sobre a população Aussaresses ministrou cursos na escola de agentes especiais norte-americana, Fort Bragg, na Carolina do Norte, entre 1961 e 1963 (no contexto da Guerra do Vietnã), bem como no Brasil durante a ditadura civil-militar, onde foi adido entre 1973 e 1975. Além disso, comerciou armas e realizou missões delicadas pela França em diversos países. Foi um anônimo até os 82 anos quando, em novembro de 2000, deu ao jornal Le Monde um depoimento sobre as torturas e execuções sumárias sistemáticas que praticara na Argélia. Suas memórias, publicados depois disso, mostram outra imagem da França, bem como desvendaram seu sistema de ação durante a Guerra Fria. No primeiro capítulo, fazemos uma descrição do seu contexto de atuação profissional. No segundo, analisamos suas memórias propriamente ditas, tirando delas o modus operandi dos franceses no contexto da Guerra Fria. No terceiro, analisamos a influência francesa nas forças armadas brasileiras bem como as relações entre a ditadura brasileira e a democracia francesa, com foco nas questões militares e econômicas sugeridas pelas memórias do General / This dissertation analyzes the memories of the General and french secret agent, Paul Aussaresses, veteran of the French Resistance in World War II and the wars in Indochina (1946-1954) and Algeria (1954-1962). His competence as information agent, acquired in these events, turned him an important element within the French Secret Service. Because of his specialty: the doctrine of revolutionary war (an unconventional military method of fighting against insurgents, that assumes arbitrary arrests, torture, summary executions and psychological terror on the population), Aussaresses taught courses in the North American school of special agents, in Fort Bragg, North Carolina, between the years of 1961 and 1963 (in the context of the Vietnam War), as well as in Brazil during the civil-military dictatorship, where he was military attaché between 1973 and 1975. Moreover, he traded weapons and conducted, to France, undercover missions in several countries. He lived in anonymity until 82 years old when, In November of 2000, he gave to the newspaper Le Monde a testimonial about the systematic torture and summary executions that had practiced in Algeria. His memories, published after this, show another image of France as well as uncovered its system of military action during the Cold War. In the first chapter of this dissertation, we make a description of the context of his professional practice. In the second, we analyze his memories, extracting them the modus operandi of the France in the context of the Cold War. In the third, we analyze the french influence in the brazilian armed forces and the relations between the brazilian dictatorship and french democracy, always with the focus in the military and economic matters suggested by the memories of the General Aussaresses

During the Korean War the White House and the Army publicized the Medal of Honor to achieve three outcomes. First, they hoped it would have a positive influence on public opinion. Truman committed to limited goals at the start of the war and chose not to create an official propaganda agency, which led to partisan criticism and realistic reporting. Medal of Honor publicity celebrated individual actions removed from their wider context in a familiar, heroic mold to alter memory of the past. Second, the Army publicized the Medal of Honor internally to inspire and reinforce desired soldier behavior. Early reports indicated a serious lack of discipline on the front lines and the Army hoped to build psychological resilience in the men by exposing them to the heroic actions of other soldiers. Finally, the Cold War spawned a great fear of communist subterfuge in the United States, which was exacerbated by the brainwashing of prisoners of war. The White House and the Army reached out to marginalized elements of American society through the Medal of Honor to counter communist propaganda. The Korean War remains an understudied era of American history, yet it was incredibly important to the United States and the world. The war influenced the United States to maintain a large standing military prepositioned around the world to protect its interests. Achieving the status quo antebellum validated the containment strategy against communism, which heavily influenced the decision to intervene in Vietnam. The United Nations, ostensibly in charge of allied forces in the Korean War, gained credibility from preventing the loss of South Korea. Despite these important effects of the war on world history, scholars continue to focus on World War II and Vietnam. This study seeks to build on the relative dearth of scholarly material on the Korean War by examining in historical context the manipulation of a symbol that intersected both the military and the home-front to influence behavior.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006. / AD-A445 450. Thesis Advisor(s): Christopher Bellavita. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.69-71). Also available online.

<p>Beslutsfattning om militära våldsmedel varierar med en nations civil-militära mönster. Genom att teoretiskt använda maktbegreppet för att beskriva vilka normativa styrprinciper som formar den civil-militära relationen kan den också beskrivas. Teorin appliceras på Falklandskonflikten och Ubåtsincidenterna i Sverige under tidigt 80-tal. Effekterna som undersöks är tid och uppfattning om det strategiska målet som operationen syftar till.  </p><p>Syftet med uppsatsen har varit att undersöka hur olika typer av relationer mellan civila makthavare och den militära organisationen påverkar utformningen av beslut om militärt våld. Uppsatsen förklarar vilka styrprinciper som ligger bakom hur olika politiska system fattar beslut om militärt våld.</p><p>Resultatet indikerar att maktbegreppet är fruktbart för att kategorisera den civil-militära relationen och därmed beskriva hur olika politiska system fattar beslut om militärt våld. Sverige tenderade till att reglera och överlåta våldsbeslut till den militära aktören, men uppvisade en pragmatisk hållning när beslut brådskade. Storbritanniens dominerande drag var förhandling genom samverkan vilket medförde att direktiv var sällsynta. Reella likheter mellan Storbritanniens och Sveriges civil-militära relation existerade. En skillnad var graden av integration. En formell integration av försvarsmaktsledningen i den politiska ledningen socialiserade den militära aktören till att uppfatta politiska intentioner och internaliserar den att ta hänsyn till politiska konsekvenser av våldsmakten. I Sverige uppstod samverkan mellan aktörerna på basis av <em>ad-hoc</em> vilket medförde att den militära aktören fick stora friheter att genomföra operationen på bekostnad av den civila kontrollen</p> / <p>Decision-making on military violence varies with a nation’s civil-military relation. Applying a theoretical framework that uses the concept of power to determine the normative and ruling principles will allow a model to describe and categorise the civil-military relation. The theory is applied on the Falklands conflict and the Swedish issue of violating submarines in the early eighties. The effects that are examined are time and the apprehension of the conception over the strategic goal for the operation.</p><p>The purpose of this study is to examine how different types of relations between politicians and the military organisation, are affecting the design of the decision process. The study explains what normative and ruling principles that are underlying how different political systems make decisions on military violence.</p><p>The results indicate that the concept of power can be fruitful to categorise the civil-military relation and thereby describe how different political systems makes decisions on military violence. Sweden had an inclination towards governmental regulation and to hand over the decisions to the military operator, but had also a pragmatic attitude when decisions were urgently needed. The dominating inclination in UK during the Falklands conflict was to closely co-ordinate actions through negotiations between the civil and military operators. Actual similarities between the UK and Sweden did exist as well. However, a difference was the level of integration. A formal integration of the military supreme command into the Ministry of Defence will socialise the military operator so that he will detect political intentions and internalize him to take decisions with political considerations. In the case of Sweden co-ordination was run on basis of <em>ad-hoc</em> which gave the military operator large amount of freedom to act at the expense of the civil control</p>

Since the early 1990s the use of private military companies (PMCs) has proliferated. Especially the United States are increasingly turning to private contractors to perform military tasks. Privatization advocates claim that PMCs work cheaper than the military. In addition to that, PMCs give the cover of plausible deniability that regular troops lack. But the fact that legislative control or public debate are missing raises the question of accountability and underlines the need for legal means to control and regulate PMCs and their operations.

This article discusses the complex relationship between the state and the military in Latin American societies. Defining the state in Latin America as a weak one, it contains a typology of the different roles played by the military in the 20th century. In this context, the ambivalent impact of the USA as well as the search of the Latin American military for “new tasks” since the 1990s is discussed. The article concludes with the challenges for civil-military relations in the current democratic regimes in Latin America.

Since the beginning of the 1970s a lot of countries in Latin America has been starting the transition to democracy. The article analyses the role played by the military in this process, especially the effects of civildemocratic governments – sometimes failing in – gaining power over the military. It is described how and why the army occasionally kept their independence from the civil power and how this influenced the consolidation of democracy.

Beslutsfattning om militära våldsmedel varierar med en nations civil-militära mönster. Genom att teoretiskt använda maktbegreppet för att beskriva vilka normativa styrprinciper som formar den civil-militära relationen kan den också beskrivas. Teorin appliceras på Falklandskonflikten och Ubåtsincidenterna i Sverige under tidigt 80-tal. Effekterna som undersöks är tid och uppfattning om det strategiska målet som operationen syftar till.   Syftet med uppsatsen har varit att undersöka hur olika typer av relationer mellan civila makthavare och den militära organisationen påverkar utformningen av beslut om militärt våld. Uppsatsen förklarar vilka styrprinciper som ligger bakom hur olika politiska system fattar beslut om militärt våld. Resultatet indikerar att maktbegreppet är fruktbart för att kategorisera den civil-militära relationen och därmed beskriva hur olika politiska system fattar beslut om militärt våld. Sverige tenderade till att reglera och överlåta våldsbeslut till den militära aktören, men uppvisade en pragmatisk hållning när beslut brådskade. Storbritanniens dominerande drag var förhandling genom samverkan vilket medförde att direktiv var sällsynta. Reella likheter mellan Storbritanniens och Sveriges civil-militära relation existerade. En skillnad var graden av integration. En formell integration av försvarsmaktsledningen i den politiska ledningen socialiserade den militära aktören till att uppfatta politiska intentioner och internaliserar den att ta hänsyn till politiska konsekvenser av våldsmakten. I Sverige uppstod samverkan mellan aktörerna på basis av ad-hoc vilket medförde att den militära aktören fick stora friheter att genomföra operationen på bekostnad av den civila kontrollen / Decision-making on military violence varies with a nation’s civil-military relation. Applying a theoretical framework that uses the concept of power to determine the normative and ruling principles will allow a model to describe and categorise the civil-military relation. The theory is applied on the Falklands conflict and the Swedish issue of violating submarines in the early eighties. The effects that are examined are time and the apprehension of the conception over the strategic goal for the operation. The purpose of this study is to examine how different types of relations between politicians and the military organisation, are affecting the design of the decision process. The study explains what normative and ruling principles that are underlying how different political systems make decisions on military violence. The results indicate that the concept of power can be fruitful to categorise the civil-military relation and thereby describe how different political systems makes decisions on military violence. Sweden had an inclination towards governmental regulation and to hand over the decisions to the military operator, but had also a pragmatic attitude when decisions were urgently needed. The dominating inclination in UK during the Falklands conflict was to closely co-ordinate actions through negotiations between the civil and military operators. Actual similarities between the UK and Sweden did exist as well. However, a difference was the level of integration. A formal integration of the military supreme command into the Ministry of Defence will socialise the military operator so that he will detect political intentions and internalize him to take decisions with political considerations. In the case of Sweden co-ordination was run on basis of ad-hoc which gave the military operator large amount of freedom to act at the expense of the civil control

CIMIC er, som et interface mellem den militære styrke og de civile omgivelser, siden ”Balkanmissionerne”blevet en væsentlig del af konceptet for at skabe en effektiv militær indsats i PeaceOperations. CIMIC konceptet, som blev anvendt relativt succesfuldt under ”Balkan-missionerne,vurderes at være det samme, som i dag anvendes i Irak. Men virker dette koncept samtidigt med,at koalitionen er blevet en del af de stridende parter? Virker det samtidigt med, at volden er rettetmod koalitionen? Og virker det i et operationsmiljø som er langt fra at være ”safe and secure” –og hvor kontrollen med de stridende parter må siges at være begrænset?På baggrund af disse spørgsmål har hensigten med denne ”uppsats” været at analysere udvalgtetilfælde af dansk CIMIC, i relation til COIN-operationer for at kunne pege på, hvorvidt danskCIMIC kan siges at have haft den ønskede effekt og dermed understøttet opnåelsen af deoperative målsætninger. Denne opgave skal således ses som et bidrag til en vurdering afCIMIC´s evne som ”Force Multiplier” i COIN-operationer. Opgaven er besvaret gennem atundersøge følgende spørgsmål: Hvad skal der opnås med CIMIC under COIN-operationer?Hvordan kan effekten af CIMIC måles under COIN-operationer? Hvilken effekt kan det siges atdanske CIMIC-enheders indsats har haft under COIN-operationerne i Irak? Er de opnåedeeffekter i overensstemmelse med målsætningerne?Følgende fem analysefaktorer er udledt og har dannet grundlag for, hvorvidt det kan siges omdansk CIMIC har virket i COIN-operationer: (1) Forbedring af hverdagen for befolkningen, (2)samarbejde og koordination med civile organisationer (forbindelsesvirksomhed), gennemførelseaf (3) informationsindhentning, informationsspredning og vurderinger (Situational Awareness),(4) uddannelse i lokale forhold for egne styrker og (5) Force Protection.Resultatet af undersøgelsen er, at CIMIC inden for alle analysefaktorer samlet set har vist, atCIMIC som minimum har haft en moderat effekt. Det er derfor konkluderet, at CIMIC-konceptethar virket i COIN-operationer og at CIMIC dermed har kunnet fungere som en ”ForceMultiplier”. / Since the missions in the Balkans during the 1990´s CIMIC has become a vital part of theconcept of creating effective Peace Operations, by acting as an interface between the militaryforces and the civilian environment. The CIMIC concept being used with relative success duringthe “Balkans-missions” is, in principle, the same concept being used in Iraq today. But does thisconcept work also if the coalition becomes part of the warring parties? Does it work when theviolence is also directed at the coalition? And does it work in an operational environment whichis far from being safe and secure, and with a limited or with no control of the warring factions?Using the above questions as the background, the aim of this paper has been to analyse specificcases of Danish CIMIC related to COIN-operations. This has been done in order to identify towhich extent Danish CIMIC has achieved the desired effects and thereby supported theoperational objectives. This paper can be seen as a contribution to the evaluation of CIMIC as aForce Multiplier in COIN-operations. The paper has been aimed at answering the followingquestions: What is CIMIC to achieve within COIN-operations? How can the effects of CIMICwithin COIN-operations be measured? What are the effects of Danish CIMIC within the COINoperationsin Iraq? Have the desired effects been achieved and thus supported the operationalobjectives?In order to identify to which extent Danish CIMIC has been effective within the COINoperationsin Iraq, the analysis of the paper focuses on the following five distinctive factors: (1)Improvement of the living standards for the local population (2) Co-operation and Co-ordinationwith civilian organizations (Liaison activity), (3) Information gathering, information sharing, andassessments (Situational Awareness), (4) Education of own troops concerning the localenvironment as well as cultural awareness, and finally (5) Force Protection.The analysis of the above mentioned factors shows that CIMIC has had a positive effect withregard to the COIN-operations. The measured effects range from no effect to high effect, with anaverage effect that can be best described as moderate. It is therefore the conclusion of the paperthat the CIMIC concept has worked within the COIN-operations in Iraq, and that it has thusacted as a Force Multiplier. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps. Hylla: Upps. ChP 06-08

This dissertation is aimed at analyzing the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps&rsquo / (IRGC) relationship to politics, which evolved into different forms through the three decades of the revolution. Eventually the IRGC has become one of the most influential organizations with respect to Iranian politics. This situation has raised the following question / why and how has the IRGC become such an influential political actor in post-revolutionary Iranian politics? Considering different forms of the IRGC-politics relationship, this study also questioned the reasons that lay behind the shifts in that relationship. In order to answer these questions, this dissertation examined the relationship between the Revolutionary Guards and the political leadership in post-revolutionary Iran. It maintained that there are four variables that determined the IRGC-politics relationship, which are ideological position of the political leadership, power of the political leadership, ideological outlook of the Revolutionary Guards and corporateness of the Revolutionary Guards. In order to analyze forms of the IRGC-politics relationship and to explain shifts between these forms, it traced these variables through the post-revolutionary history of Iran, which was divided into four periods (i.e. transition, radical, thermidorian, and neo-radical periods) because of the changing political and revolutionary dynamics. It concluded that because corporateness of the IRGC reached into a high level whereas power of the political leadership was seriously weakened in the last two periods, the IRGC&rsquo / s clout significantly increased in Iranian politics. Congruence or incongruence between ideological values of the political leadership and of the IRGC, and their commitment to pursue those values determined the confrontationist or cooperative nature of the IRGC&rsquo / s relations with the political leadership.