Este trabalho é o resultado de uma pesquisa sobre a vida associativa nas periferias da cidade de São Paulo. Tem como problema de investigação as possíveis linhas de continuidade e ruptura nas formas de ação coletiva desenvolvidas por diferentes gerações. A pesquisa se realizou por meio de uma etnografia multi-localizada abordando cinco espaços associativos. Esse conjunto de espaços abrangeu grupos representativos das formas de vida associativa dos anos 1970/80 até manifestações mais recentes do associativismo popular. A etnografia apontou que os atores sociais caracterizam as diferentes formas da vida associativa como uma ação política. Seguindo essa perspectiva, foi possível constatar duas temporalidades políticas experimentadas pelos moradores das periferias: uma que se refere à política institucional e outra que diz respeito às ações realizadas no território. Detectaram-se diferentes dimensões do associativismo que perpassam o universo da política por um lado e, por outro, estão relacionadas à esfera da vida afetiva de seus membros. Ao acompanhar as ações de jovens militantes em um espaço marcado pela presença do crime, constatou-se que a vida associativa e a ação coletiva não sucumbiram às injunções do crime organizado sobre determinados espaços periféricos. Por fim, observou-se o acionamento da memória coletiva como um elemento de legitimação para a ação política de grupos juvenis de militantes. Observou-se que a política é uma categoria mobilizada pelos atores sociais segundo suas próprias representações do universo político, constituindo-se um elemento importante para a compreensão das configurações sociais e das dinâmicas associativas das periferias. Respondendo à pergunta inicial da pesquisa, evidenciou-se que há um conjunto de ações e práticas políticas desenvolvidas atualmente que estão em linha de continuidade com as ações realizadas em outros períodos da história da vida associativa na cidade de São Paulo. Por outro lado percebem-se, também, alguns elementos que estão em ruptura com as anteriores formas de ação coletiva. Conclui-se que no universo da política, tal como ele é compreendido pelos moradores e militantes das periferias, o desenvolvimento das ações orienta-se por meio de lógicas de diferenciação e integração que articulam elementos de continuidade com outros que expressam rupturas nas práticas associativas desenvolvidas nos diferentes espaços. / This work is the result of a survey on associational life in the outskirts of São Paulo. Its focus is to research possible lines of continuity and rupture in the forms of collective action developed by different generations. The research was performed through a multi located ethnography addressing five associational spaces. This set of spaces comprehended groups that represent forms of associational life from the 70s and 80s to more recent expressions of popular association groups. The ethnography pointed out that social actors characterize the different forms of associational life as a political action. Following this perspective, there has been two political temporality experienced by residents of the outskirts: one, that refers to institutional policy and a second one concerning the actions held in the territory. Different dimensions of association have been detected permeating the universe of politics and, at the same time, relating to the affective sphere of its members lives. To monitor the actions of young militants in a space marked by the presence of crime, it was found that associational life and collective action did not succumb to the dictates of organized crime in certain outlying areas. Finally, we observed the activation of collective memory as a legitimation element for the political action carried out by militant youth groups. It was observed that politics is a category mobilized by social actors according to their own representations of the political universe, becoming an important tool for understanding social settings and the associational dynamics of the peripheries. Responding to the initial research question, it became evident that there is a set of actions and political practices that are currently developed in continuity with the actions taken in other periods of history of associational life in São Paulo. On the other hand, we also found elements that are disconnected from the previous forms of collective action. We concluded that in the universe of politics, as it is understood by local residents and activists of the peripheric areas, the development of actions is guided by differentiation and integration logics that articulate elements of continuity with other elements that express breaks in the associative practices developed in the different spaces.

Este trabalho busca analisar políticas de redução das taxas de homicídios em municípios da Região Metropolitana de São Paulo, baseadas especificamente na restrição do horário de funcionamento de bares. O objetivo geral é analisar comparativamente a implementação da chamada Lei Seca nesta região, considerando a necessidade de coordenação da ação de diversos atores para a sua efetivação. A hipótese principal é que os resultados alcançados pela Lei Seca dependem da articulação entre diversos atores (estatais e civis) ligados à segurança pública, de um desenho institucional bem delimitado para garantir a coordenação desses agentes e da fiscalização das ações. Os processos de implementação da lei foram analisados comparativamente, bem como o consórcio de instituições e atores civis responsáveis pela elaboração, execução e fiscalização da lei. O trabalho baseou-se em pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, levantamento de estatísticas criminais e entrevistas qualitativas com agentes envolvidos na formulação e implementação dessa política pública. Esta análise se insere nos debates sobre a articulação entre instituições responsáveis pela segurança pública, participação da sociedade civil, municipalização da segurança pública, relação entre o consumo de álcool e homicídios e outros, mas a contribuição pretendida refere-se especialmente ao debate sobre a produção de bens coletivos. Pode-se concluir que os resultados da interação entre os atores envolvidos e a cooperação para a efetivação da política analisada dependem de investimentos dos atores públicos para o estabelecimento de condições iniciais de implementação baseadas no diálogo e convencimento dos demais atores, aproximando-se assim daquilo que a literatura passou a denominar governança colaborativa. / This thesis aims to analyze policies to reduce homicide rates in cities within the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo, based on restricting bars business hours. The overall objective is to analyze the implementation of the Dry Law in the area, taking into consideration the need to coordinate the action of many players in order to make it effective. The main assumption is that Dry Law results depend on the joint effort from various players in public safety (state and civil), a well-defined institutional structure to ensure coordination of these agents and actions surveillance. The law implementation process was analyzed, as well as the consortium of institutions and civil players responsible for the preparation, enforcement and supervision of the law. The work was based on literature and documents review, crime statistics and qualitative interviews with stakeholders involved in the formulation and implementation of this public policy. This analysis is part of the debates about the articulation among institutions responsible for public safety, civil society participation, municipalization of public safety, the relation between alcohol consumption and homicide and others. Nevertheless, the contribution is intended to refer specifically to the debate on the production of collective goods. In conclusion, results from the interaction among players and cooperation to put this policy into effect depend on public players investment in order to establish initial conditions for implementation, based on dialogue and persuasion of other players, approaching what literature has defined as \"collaborative governance\"

The Watershed Development Programme has gained growing support among development policy planners since the 1980s in India. This programme is designed to facilitate sustainable rural development by building irrigation capacity of the, otherwise, rainfed agricultural regions. Irrigation capacity is built via the adoption of various soil and water conservation measures, which then facilitate recharge of groundwater tables within an identified micro-watershed (typically consisting of one or two village communities). The recharged groundwater table becomes the natural resource base from which farming households draw water for irrigation by investing in wells or other such assets. The management of micro-watersheds are based on the principles of community based natural resource management. However, the irrigation access (wells) to this common pool resource of groundwater is privately and individually owned which deters effective monitoring of resource use through collective action. This thesis is built on Ostrom's sustainability of socio-ecological systems (SES) framework and uses a three-essay format. Each essay uses econometric techniques in an attempt to identify particular factors that enable self-organizing ability of communities dependent on groundwater-based irrigation system for generating better livelihoods. The fieldwork was conducted in three villages belonging to the semi-arid districts of Ahmednagar and Jalna in the state of Maharashtra. Quantitative and some qualitative data was collected from nearly 670 households through household surveys. The thesis is organised as three core essays and three supporting chapters. Chapter 1 provides a background to WDP in India and sets the context for the research questions. Chapter 2 presents the literature survey and provides the rationale for choosing SES framework over sustainable livelihoods. It also discusses the broader research methodology. At the end, chapter 3 includes a consolidation of inferences drawn from each of the three essays, and identifies their potential applications and future research direction. The three essays address the research questions raised in this thesis. The first essay analyses the role that knowledge of the resource system (micro-watershed) among resource users, plays in modifying individual farmer's irrigation demand (modelled as crop choice). Two watershed communities located on either side of the ridge line of the watershed are compared. The second essay analyses the role that social capital plays in encouraging self-organization in the community. Social capital is modelled as social betweenness scores calculated by applying Social Network Analysis. A comparison between two villages located in two districts belonging to two different rainfall zones is made. The third essay conceptualizes 'water stack' (collection of irrigation access points) that a farming household owns. The relation between the water stack of the households and the resource use norms in the community is analysed. A comparative analysis between all the three villages is made in this essay. Knowledge of the resource system, social capital and continued support from the agricultural extension agency were found to encourage self-organization and enforcement of resource use norms, resulting in good health of the micro-watershed system.

Submitted by Jailda Nascimento (jmnascimento@pucsp.br) on 2016-10-26T21:46:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Hermano José Marques Cintra.pdf: 6467501 bytes, checksum: a52add1c92d6ff1c794e07ee1ba1c1b0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-26T21:46:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Hermano José Marques Cintra.pdf: 6467501 bytes, checksum: a52add1c92d6ff1c794e07ee1ba1c1b0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-05 / Free software development communities produce complex objects organizing their collective action through mechanisms of digital interactivity. Some of them reach hundreds, even thousands, of programmers, working on, sometimes, millions lines of code. Cooperation is taken to a new level. The research has collected evidence of digital interactivity practices from a broad range of free software projects. It demonstrates how transformation in the process of communication build the social bounds necessary for collective action to be organized via internet. Survey and analysis are based on a model for the understanding of digital literacy inspired by the phenomenology of Charles Pierce and in the epistemology of Elinor Ostrom’s institutional design, associated to a nature of the firm reinterpretation. Before the method’s exposé, the text presents the phenomenon being discussed (cooperation), the object being studied (free software development communities), and the universe of the research (digital culture). The first element is treated via a critical panorama of the narrative battle between cooperation and competition. The second element receives a detailed analysis, including the question of participants’ motivation, of the technical product’s qualities, of its political perspective (internal and external), of its economical nature (good and production), and of digital interactivity in itself, central theme to the present text’s thesis. For the third element, the discussion relies on progressive concentration of focus. It starts with four key concepts for digital culture identified by Lucia Santaella, the present research’s advisor – post-humanity, hybridization, liquidity, ubiquity -, follows to virtual communities, political activism online, to reach the hacker culture, free software’s birthing bed. The study of these three elements and the application of the selected methodological instruments allow for the substantiation of high level of literacy in the observed practices of digital interactivity. The institutional analysis framework was applied to free software development, detaching three different moments and formats for collective contributions: formative (new projects), extensive (new functions), and adjustment. The research was able to associate digital communication process with its expressive, affective and cooperative powers, demonstrating how many-to-many dialogues alter scale and reach, how the permanent records rebuild trust, how asynchronous interaction remodel coordination, and how more complex interaction spaces make new forms of governance possible. Many studies have been made about connected themes, many of them were cited. The present work uses the much less frequent perspective of communication theory framing the phenomenon as under the studies of technologies of intelligence. This particular angle allowed the research to conclude with the proposition of seven interactivity design principles for entrepreneurial and cooperative collective action: (1) foment digital literacy; (2) specialize interaction spaces; (3) use active moderation; (4) mirror productive functions digitally; (5) exercise full transparency; (6) explicit merit; (7) enable open and multiple initiative / As comunidades de desenvolvimento de software livre produzem objetos complexos organizando sua ação coletiva por meio de mecanismos de interatividade digital. Algumas delas envolvem centenas, ou até milhares, de programadores e, por vezes, milhões de linhas de código. A cooperação alcança uma nova potência. A pesquisa recolhe evidências das práticas de interatividade digital de um amplo conjunto de projetos de software livre. Demonstra como transformações no processo de comunicação constituem os vínculos sociais necessários às ações coletivas organizadas via internet. O levantamento e a análise estão alicerçados em um modelo para compreensão da fluência digital inspirado na fenomenologia de Charles Peirce e na epistemologia do design institucional de Elinor Ostrom associada uma releitura da natureza da firma. Antes da exposição do método, o texto apresenta o fenômeno em discussão (cooperação), o objeto em estudo (comunidades de desenvolvimento de software livre), e o universo da pesquisa (cultura digital). O primeiro elemento segue por um panorama crítico do embate entre as narrativas da cooperação e competição. O segundo passa por detalhada análise, incluindo as questões da motivação dos participantes, das qualidades do produto técnica, de sua perspectiva política (interna e externa), de sua natureza econômica (bem e produção) e da própria interatividade digital, tema da tese defendida pelo texto. Para o terceiro, a discussão faz sucessivos estreitamento de foco, partindo dos quatro conceitos-chaves da cultura digital identificados por Lucia Santaella, orientadora da presente pesquisa – pós-humano, hibridismo, fluidez, ubiquidade –, caminha pelas comunidades virtuais, pelo ativismo político online, para chegar à cultura hacker, berço do software livre. O estudo desses três elementos e o trabalho com instrumentos metodológicos escolhidos permitiram comprovar o elevado patamar de fluência nas práticas de interatividade digital evidenciadas. O framework da análise institucional foi aplicado ao desenvolvimento de software livre, destacando três diferentes momentos e formatos das contribuições coletivas: formativas (novos projetos), extensivas (novas funções), e de ajuste. A pesquisa conseguiu associar a comunicação digital com suas potências expressiva, afetiva e cooperativa, demonstrando como os diálogos muitos-muitos alteram a escala e o alcance, como a permanência do registro reconstitui a confiança, como as interlocuções assíncronas remodelam as atividades coordenação, e como espaços de interação mais complexos possibilitam novos modelos de governança da ação coletiva. Muitos outros estudos foram realizados sobre temas conexos, diversos deles citados. O presente trabalho pretende preencher uma lacuna no exame do fenômeno como tecnologia da inteligência no âmbito da teoria da comunicação. Somente esta perspectiva permitiu concluir a pesquisa com a proposição de sete princípios de design interatividade digital para a ação coletiva empreendedora e cooperativa: (1) fomente da fluência digital; (2) especialize os espaços de interação; (3) utilize uma moderação ativa; (4) espelhe as funções produtivas no digital; (5) exercite completa transparência; (6) explicite o mérito; e (7) viabilize a iniciativa aberta e múltipla

This study examines Al-Ḥirāk Al-Shabābī Al-ʾUrdunī (the Jordanian Youth Movement), from now on the HSU, and aims to be a first scholarly attempt at mapping the organisation, strategy, challenges, and significance of this youth-led and youth-organised social movement. Taking an interpretive approach to organisational research, this thesis has used a wide range of primary and secondary data, benefited from extensive periods of participant observation as well as interviews with a variety of people including movement participants, in order to achieve a better understanding of the HSU. The main findings that result from this research show that the HSU is ideologically an umbrella to a variety of ideologies, from leftist or communists to Islamists, and that it chooses to organise informally and uninstitutionally in accordance with their political conviction of political parties and traditional opposition groups being a tool of social control for the regime. Politically, therefore, the movement represents a rupture with traditional politics in the country which are perceived by participants as part of a historically constructed system for exercising social control. Finally, the movement challenges traditional frames of ethnic and religious understandings of social and political subjectivities by mobilising a more inclusive discourse that tries to recover the debate on class struggle. Its political independence from other actors in the Jordanian political scene allows participant to raise more radical claims that seek regime removal as well as demands for reform, and these radical discourse within the movement greatly depend on the varying political opportunity structure in time determined by the Jordanian regime’s combination of conciliatory and repressive counter-strategies. An analysis of the strategic conversation between the regime and the HSU is key to exploring the social and political significance of movement strategies in bringing about change in the country as it determines the challenges to organisation encountered. However, relevant transformations in the culture of activism in Jordan are evident, and have the potential to transforming the future of political participation and organisation.

O texto discute a evolução do esforço do setor privado do agronegócio brasileiro na defesa de sua agenda de abertura de mercados externos. O foco é em especial no período entre a Rodada Uruguai (1986-1994) do Acordo Geral de Tarifas e Comércio (Gatt) e na Rodada Doha (desde 2001) da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). O objetivo é analisar de que forma o aumento da competitividade internacional desse setor, nas últimas décadas, contribuiu para o interesse dos empresários em elaborar uma agenda de demandas ofensivas. Busca-se ainda indicar como esse interesse se traduziu em ações coletivas. A ação coletiva pode ser entendida como a ação de indivíduos, ou de apenas um, interessados em obter um bem coletivo. Esse bem tem caráter primordialmente de partilhabilidade (seu uso por um indivíduo não diminui a quantidade para outros indivíduos) e de não exclusão, com todos do grupo tendo direito de usufruir dele. O caminho para se obter o bem é basicamente por meio de organizações. Entidades que representam empresas da agroindústria são aqui objetos de estudo. A análise ocorre sobre dois tipos de entidades: as de caráter geral, que representam diferentes segmentos do agronegócio, e as de caráter específico, que defendem interesses de um segmento. Devido à forte competitividade do agronegócio brasileiro, é sobre a ação de atores ofensivos que se concentra a discussão. A pesquisa indica que após a reestruturação do agronegócio no final dos anos 80 e nos anos 90, com o fim do pesado intervencionismo estatal e com a liberalização comercial do país, parte da agroindústria enfrentou o desafio de se modernizar e de abrir mercados externos. O que se assistiu foi a diversificação da pauta de exportação e o crescimento contínuo das vendas ao exterior. Tal aumento de vendas e diversificação adicionou atores ao grupo de interessados na abertura de mercados internacionais, inclusive por meio de redução de barreiras protecionistas aos produtos brasileiros. O país envolveu-se nos últimos anos em negociações internacionais com a meta de redução dessas barreiras. De uma participação incipiente e pouco organizada para a negociação da Rodada Uruguai, o setor privado caminhou em direção a um preparo técnico maior de conhecimento das barreiras enfrentadas e das soluções possíveis para eliminá-las, de forma a atuar com mais organização nas negociações dos anos 90 e das deste século, como a Rodada Doha. Este estudo aponta que essa atuação se deu por meio de ações coletivas organizadas pelas associações de segmentos da agroindústria, as quais, na percepção dos empresários, têm sido o principal canal de articulação de interesses, quando comparadas a entidades de caráter geral, como a Confederação da Agricultura e Pecuária do Brasil (CNA), órgão oficial de representação. Isso indica que grupos menores têm maior capacidade de mobilização do que grupos grandes. Mas há uma heterogeneidade dentro dessas associações de segmentos, com sócios de diferentes tamanhos, interesses e recursos. Os membros mais interessados no bem coletivo e com mais recursos formam uma massa crítica que parece ajudar a compreender a atuação desses grupos menores / This research discusses the evolution of the efforts made by the private sector of the Brazilian agribusiness to defend its agenda of liberalization of international markets. It is especially focused on the period between the Uruguay Round (1986-1994) of the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (Gatt) and on the Doha Round (since 2001) of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The aim of this research is to analyse how the increase in the international competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness in the last few decades has affected the private sector interest in elaborating an offensive agenda. In addition, it is our purpose to indicate how this interest has generated collective actions by the private sector. Collective action can be understood as the action by a group of individuals, or just one individual, who are interested in reaching a collective good. The characteristics of this collective good are primarily the jointness of supply, meaning that an individual who has access to that good will not diminish the amount available to another individual, and non-excludibility, meaning that all the individuals of the group will have access to that good. Organizations are the mainly way to reach the collective goods. Associations that represent agribusiness firms are the objects of study in this research. The analysis will be made on two types of associations: those that represent different segments of the agribusiness and those that represent one segment of the agribusiness. Due to the strong competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness, the discussion will be concentrated on the actions taken by the players with an agenda demanding higher trade liberalization. This study indicates that after the restructure of the agribusiness in the late 80s and in the 90s, with the end of the heavy state intervention in the sector and the trade liberalization of the country, part of the agribusiness faced the challenge of modernisation and looked for new markets abroad. The result was a diversification of the products exported and the continuous expansion of the exports. Such diversification and increase in the exports added new players to the group formed by those interested in the liberalization of international markets, including the reduction of protectionist barriers against Brazilian products. In the last few years Brazil has participated in a number of international trade negotiations with the aim to put pressure on the reduction of those barriers. From an incipient organization to participate in the Uruguay Round, the private sector headed for a higher technical understanding of the international obstacles to its products and the possible solutions to open more markets. This resulted in it being also better organized to defend its agenda in the negotiations occurred during the 90s and the beginning of this century, such as the Doha Round. One of the conclusions of this study is that the private sector movement was made by collective actions organized by those associations representative of specific segments of the agribusiness, which are seen by the private sector as the main channel to articulate their interests, when compared to associations that represent different segments of the agribusiness, such as the Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock of Brasil (CNA), the official representative of the sector. This indicates that small groups are more successful in mobilizing a collective action than large groups. However, there is an heterogeneity inside those associations that represent one specific segment, with members of different sizes, different interests and different resources. The members more interested in the collective good and with more resources to provide it form a critical mass that seems to better explain the movements of the small groups

A partir do início da década de 90, com a desregulamentação do setor, os produtores de cana-de-açúcar do Brasil passaram a ser livres para se juntarem voluntariamente à associação do seu agrado. O caráter voluntário passou a posicionar o associado como cliente da associação e, portanto, atrair e manter membros tornou-se essencial para a perpetuação das associações, bem como compreender o que os conduz à satisfação. Nesse contexto, o presente estudo teve como objetivo identificar os elementos que determinam a satisfação apresentada pelos produtores de cana-de-açúcar com as associações da qual fazem parte. Baseado na literatura foi desenvolvido um modelo composto por seis variáveis independentes aglomeradas em dois tipos: benefícios individuais (vantagem econômica, contatos, serviços seletivos) e benefícios coletivos (serviços coletivos, representação, lobby). O modelo também foi composto por quatro variáveis moderadoras: tamanho da associação, heterogeneidade da associação, comunicação face-a-face com a associação e informações sobre ações passadas. Para o alcance do objetivo e teste do modelo, foi realizada uma pesquisa de caráter quantitativo e explicativo, por meio de 230 questionários válidos aplicados diretamente aos produtores durante eventos. Para a verificação do modelo elaborado, foram realizadas análises descritivas, testes de correlação, de regressão linear múltipla e de moderação. Os resultados identificaram que todas as seis variáveis independentes apresentam correlação positiva com a satisfação, indicando haver uma relação positiva entre elas e a satisfação. Entretanto, apenas três delas apresentaram um efeito significativo na regressão linear múltipla: vantagem econômica (?=0,461), representação (?=0,437) e serviços seletivos (?=0,115). Os resultados também mostraram que os aspectos individuais influenciam mais a satisfação dos produtores do que os aspectos coletivos. Por fim, os resultados indicaram que a heterogeneidade da associação e a comunicação face-a-face apresentaram um efeito moderador sobre a relação entre vantagem econômica e satisfação e a heterogeneidade e informações sobre ações passadas apresentaram um efeito moderador sobre a relação entre representação e satisfação. / From the beginning of the 90s, with the deregulation of the sector, producers of sugarcane in Brazil became free to voluntarily join the association of their liking. The voluntary character passed the position members as customers and therefore attract and retain members and understanding what leads to satisfaction has become essential to the perpetuation of the associations. In this context, the study aimed to identify the elements that determine the satisfaction displayed by sugar cane producers, the Center-South region of Brazil, with the associations they belong to. Based on the literature, it was developed a model composed of six independent variables clustered into two types: individual benefits (economic advantage, contacts, selective services) and collective benefits (collective services, representation, lobbying). The model was also composed by four moderating variables: size of the association, heterogeneity of the association, face-to-face communication and information about past actions. For the data analysis and model test, a quantitative and explanatory research was performed, through 230 valid questionnaires, applied directly to producers during events. Descriptive analysis, correlation test, multiple linear regression and moderation test were used. The results showed that all independent variables are positively correlated with satisfaction, indicating a positive relationship between them and the satisfaction. However, only three of them have had a significant effect on multiple linear regression: economic advantage (? = 0.461), representation (? = 0.437) and selective services (? = 0.115). The results also showed that individual aspects influence satisfaction more than the collective aspects. Finally, the results indicated that the heterogeneity of the association and face-to-face communication had a moderating effect on the relationship between economic benefit and satisfaction and heterogeneity and information about past actions had a moderating effect on the relationship between representation and satisfaction.

Social media is increasingly used for social protest, but does online participation advance the aims of social movements, or does it undermine efforts for social change? We explore this question in the present thesis by examining how the use of social media for collective action shapes, and is shaped by, the social psychological concerns of technology users. Adopting a diverse approach in terms of research questions and methodology, we examine how collective action is affected by: (1) features of the digital environment, (2) internet-enabled modes of participation, and (3) digitally-facilitated communities. Our findings demonstrate that group-level representations of the self and salient others are integral to the relationship between digital technology and collective action. Ultimately, we argue that digital technology can act as both a psychological bridge and barrier between disparate groups and issues; in this way it can both facilitate and undermine mobilisation efforts and broader aims for social change.

La thèse propose trois questions critiques du rôle politique et de mouvement des associations. Premièrement le fonctionnement associatif : mobiliser l’engagement (des salariés, des usagers et leurs proches, des bénévoles) en sortant d’une forme d’impensé suppose de réarticuler une conception alternative en sciences de gestion (pour avoir prise sur le managérialisme) et les apports de la sociologie des associations. Deuxièmement la culture politique : la capacité à contribuer à la reconstruction de références collectives et de médiations instituées, à promouvoir une culture alternative au référentiel économiste et marchand dominant, suppose d’analyser et de concevoir, de se situer dans l’histoire longue des idées, de revisiter le socle humaniste. Troisièmement l’action collective au niveau méso : pour peser dans les mécanismes institutionnels et à avoir prise sur la réalité, la remobilisation des travaux sur l’action collective et les mouvements sociaux, avec leur extension récente aux liens avec l’économie solidaire, est essentielle. / The research opens to three central criteria for an effective role on policy and social movement. The first one covers the operating mechanisms, which are deeply influenced by the managerial trend: it seems determinant to link an alternative design in management science and researches about sociology of associations (with, for instance, the ideal type of a « solidary enterprise »). The second one has to do with political culture as a kind of nodus, from which a possible role oncommon sense (about society, public policies, economy and market, actors capabilities, citizenship), and a possible process rebuilding collective references and positive experience of a link to institutions, seem to depend. Such a perspective requires to refer to a long-term history of ideas, which is necessary to study how the humanist foundations of occidental democracies are questioned. The third one covers collective mobilization at the meso level, as documented by the researches about collective mobilizations and social movements, including the recent researches about social movements and solidary economy.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-22T22:04:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Final Tiago.pdf: 1980195 bytes, checksum: eebf14d03dcd2429c42e84939b8f0c03 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-05 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Amazonas / This dissertation focuses mainly on the universe of the fishing activity in the Central Amazonia. The conflict and collective action in the use of the fishing resources were studied in three rural places belonging to the municipal district of Manacapuru in the State of Amazonas. In order to accomplish it, the description and interpretation of the socio-cultural aspects, which involve the life of the social groups that inhabit the rural areas of the Amazonia, and the symbolic and material meaning that the resources of the ichthyofauna represent in the life of these individuals were not left aside. The research identified that, in reason of the intensification process of the commercial fishing in the Amazonia, social types of fishermen who possess antagonistic habitus and act in a singular way on the fishing resources appeared originating social tensions and litigations. Concomitantly, some social groups of fishermen organized themselves for the purpose of controlling the use and the users of the fishery resources, demonstrating that they do not follow an individualistic and noncommitted logic with the nature. However, the dynamics of the conflicts and of the collective action demonstrates that the dilemmas faced by the fishermen should not be understood as manichaeisms, since the users present interests, rationalities and needs that influence in their appropriation forms and control of the use of the fishing resources. / Esta dissertação se debruça no universo da atividade pesqueira na Amazônia Central. Foram estudadas as relações de conflito e de ação coletiva no uso dos recursos pesqueiros em três localidades rurais pertencentes ao município de Manacapuru no estado do Amazonas. Para isto, não foram perdidos de vista a descrição e interpretação dos aspectos socioculturais que envolvem a vida dos grupos sociais habitantes das zonas rurais da Amazônia e o significado simbólico e material que os recursos da ictiofauna representam na vida destes sujeitos. A pesquisa identificou que, em razão do processo de intensificação da pesca comercial na Amazônia, surgiram tipos sociais de pescadores que possuem habitus antagônicos e atuam de maneira singular sobre os recursos pesqueiros, originando tensões sociais e litígios. Concomitantemente, alguns grupos sociais de pescadores se organizaram no intuito de controlar o uso e os usuários dos recursos haliêuticos, demonstrando que não seguem uma lógica individualista e descomprometida com a natureza. Todavia a dinâmica dos conflitos e da ação coletiva demonstra que os dilemas enfrentados pelos pescadores não devem ser entendidos como maniqueísmos, pois os usuários apresentam interesses, racionalidades e necessidades que influenciam as suas formas de apropriação e controle do uso dos recursos pesqueiros.