A presente tese tem por objetivo examinar a formação da coligação de resistência organizada, no final do século XIX, por chefes de Angoche, Sangage, Sancul e Quitangonha, dos grupos macua-imbamela e namarrais, às interferências da política colonialista portuguesa no norte de Moçambique. Esses chefes efetuaram vários ataques aos postos administrativos e militares portugueses, postergando a ocupação efetiva daquele território até 1910. O principal objetivo da coligação era a preservação da autonomia política, ameaçada pelas iniciativas de ocupação territorial e pela instituição de mecanismos coloniais, como o controle do comércio e da produção de gêneros agrícolas, a cobrança de impostos e o trabalho compulsório. Os participantes da coligação estavam inseridos num complexo de interconexões gerado pelas múltiplas relações estabelecidas por meio dos espaços políticos, culturais, religiosos e de trocas comerciais, que envolviam não apenas as sociedades islâmicas da costa, as do interior e as do mundo suaíli, como o sultanato de Zanzibar, as ilhas Comores e Madagascar, mas também indianos, portugueses, ingleses e franceses. Essas relações eram definidas pelo parentesco, pela doação de terra, pela religião islâmica e pelos contatos comerciais. Essas conexões facilitaram a formação da coligação de resistência no final do século XIX. / The present thesis has as objective to examine the formation of the coalition resistance organized at the end of the nineteenth century, by the leaderships of Angoche, Sangage, Sancul and Quitangonha, and the groups macua-imbamela and namarrais, to the interference of the Portuguese colonialist policy in Northern Mozambique. Those learderships effectuated several attacks to the Portuguese military and administrative posts, postponing the effective occupation of that territory until 1910. The main objective of the coalition was the preservation of the political autonomy, threatened by the initiatives of the territorial occupation and the establishment of the colonial mechanisms, as the control of the trade and the agricultural production, the collection of taxes and the compulsory labor. Participants in the coalition were inserted of a complex of interconnections generated by the multiple relationships established through the political, cultural, religious and trade spaces, which involved not only the Islamic societies of the coast, the interior ones and the World Swahili as Zanzibar Sultanate, Comoros and Madagascar, but also Indian, Portuguese, English and French people. Those relationships were defined by the kinship, the land donating, the Islamic religion and also mercantile contacts. Those connections facilitated the formation of the resistance coalition at end of the nineteenth century.

A presente tese define-se como uma reflexão acerca das políticas de identidade promovidas pelo estado colonial português e pela Frente de Libertação de Moçambique, com ênfase nos cem anos que antecederam a independência, proclamada em junho de 1975. Procurando uma perspectiva multidisciplinar, a análise é orientada por conceitos que procuram destacar fatores determinantes da concepção de dualismo inerente à situação colonial. A abordagem das várias estratégias culturais a que recorreu a metrópole para sustentar sua \"vocação\" imperial constitui um dado significativo do trabalho que procurou compreender algumas particularidades do projeto lusitano, com a preocupação de enquadrá-lo num processo mais amplo que não poderia desconsiderar os passos da História no ocidente. Partindo do estudo das duas concepções de assimilação e sua continuidade no luso-tropicalismo (e sua instrumentalização pelo Estado Novo português), a análise focaliza a gênese do nacionalismo e a nova dinâmica que a tática de guerrilha, implementada pela luta de libertação nacional, introduz no território de Moçambique. No que se refere à política de identidade nacional proposta pela FRELIMO, foi privilegiada pela pesquisa a dialética que ela estabelece com as sociedades tradicionais. / The present thesis deals with the identity policies promoted by the Portuguese colonial State and the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO), with emphasis on the last hundred years before independence, proclaimed in June 1975. Aiming at a multidisciplinary approach, the analysis is oriented by concepts that put in evidence determinant factors of the dualistic nature of colonial situation. The approach to the various cultural strategies used by Portugal to support its imperial \"vocation\" represents a significative part of this study. It tries to understand some details of the Portuguese project, by framing it within a wider perspective that could not neglect Western History. Starting from the study of the two conceptions of assimilation and its luso-tropicalistic development (the use of the theory carried out by the Portuguese \"New State\" regime) the analysis focus on the origins of nationalism as well as on the new dynamics introduced in the territory by the guerrilla tactics used during national liberation struggle. Concerning FRELIMO\'s national identity policy, this research privileges the dialectics it establishes with traditional societies of Mozambique.

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Master of Arts / Department of History / Andrew Orr / Many historians believe that the United States did not play a major role in the European colonial affairs of Africa. The “civilizing mission” in Africa was largely a European matter that the United States did not have any involvement in and instead stayed out of African affairs. However, this is in fact not true. Industrial education was a new way of managing and “civilizing” African populations after the global end of slavery and the archetype of industrial education was in Tuskegee, Alabama at the Tuskegee Institute. The Tuskegee Institute was the pinnacle of industrial education. Students came not just from the United States, but from around the world as well to learn a trade or improved technologies in agriculture. It allowed students to attend the school for free in exchange for working the farms at the school and general upkeep while training them to be better farmers and tradesmen. On the surface, it offered an avenue for blacks to carve their own economic path. Implicitly, however, it did not offer African Americans and Africans a path towards upward mobility as it continued to relegate them to menial labor jobs and worked within the confines of the established racial hierarchy in which blacks were not granted the same opportunities as whites, in this instance it was education. This thesis argues that the Tuskegee Institute’s (now Tuskegee University) method of industrial education became an influential model for managing the African colonies via industrial education and that the United States was thus more involved in the “civilizing mission” than previously thought. The Tuskegee Institute first ventured into Africa when it assisted the German Colonial Government in Togo in establishing industrial education which helped to develop infrastructure and modern technology in the colony. Second, I examine Tuskegee’s role in Liberia as it established the Booker Washington Institute which is still in existence today. Lastly, I illustrate the diverse effects of the Tuskegee Model of education in Africa and how it correlated to Tuskegee education in the United States and how events in both Africa and the United States led to the collapse of the Tuskegee Model.

Au début du vingtième siècle, une rupture radicale et fondatrice de modernité artistique eut lieu au Brésil. Cette modernité se démarque de celle d’Europe par la prise de conscience des distances géographiques, culturelles et politiques vis à vis de l’Europe et surtout de l’ancienne puissance coloniale, le Portugal, par la recherche de son identité à travers la multiplicité des métissages du Nouveau Monde, ses mythes et son histoire réelle décolonisée. L’avant-garde brésilienne émerge autour de 1928, à travers les Manifestes anthropophages d’Oswald de Andrade (1890-1954) qui est donc le fondateur des anthropophagies, que l’on peut définir comme un indianisme à rebours. Le ″mauvais sauvage″ exerce sa critique contre les impostures du monde. « La ″Descente anthropophagique″ n’est pas une révolution littéraire, ni sociale, ni politique, ni religieuse. Elle est tout cela à la fois ! Sa loi est simple : Ne m’intéresse que ce qui n’est pas à moi ! Loi de l’homme, loi de l’anthropophagie ! » . Elle prescrit donc la dévoration des modèles importés et leur digestion dans l’hybridation au nom de l’identité brésilienne, par déplacement de concepts freudiens : « L’anthropophagie c’est la transformation permanente du Tabou (manger de l’homme) en Totem (de l’identité brésilienne) ! » . Ici l’influence notable de la psychanalyse et de l’anthropologie est à resituer : le déplacement du tabou anthropophage demeure une transgression symbolique, une métaphore, mais la référence anthropophagique ne concerne pas que la période précolombienne, car elle se réactualise. Nous nous proposons d’étudier ce phénomène à travers quatre questions : 1°- Quelles relations existent entre l’anthropophagie, l’histoire, l’esthétique et l’idéologie ? 2°- Quelle est la place des femmes artistes brésiliennes dans l’émergence de ce mouvement, compte tenu de leur présence décisive dès l’origine ?3°- Compte tenu de la résurgence rhizomique de l’anthropophagie dans la 2e moitié du XXe siècle, y compris jusqu’à aujourd’hui, quelle est la place des femmes artistes dans ce phénomène ? Y a-t-il continuité avec l’époque fondatrice ?4°- Etant donné ce qui précède, peut-on déduire qu’il existe un courant spécifiquement féminin dans l’anthropophagie d’hier et d’aujourd’hui ? Quelle est son importance réelle ? Quelles sont ses relations et postures par rapport à la postmodernité et à la mondialisation de l’art contemporain ? / At the beginning of the twentieth century, in Brazil, a radical artistic rupture took place, which marked the beginning of a new era. The resulting modernity differed from its European counterpart by the awareness of geographical, cultural and political distances that alienated Brazil from Europe and more specifically from its former colonial owner, Portugal. Brazilian modernity sought to define its identity through important basic elements that constitute the stuff that the New World is made of: cross-breeding, mythology and post-colonialism. The Brazilian avant-garde emerged around 1928 with the publication of The Anthropophagy Manifesto by Oswald de Andrade (1890-1954), who is thus the founder of the Anthropophagy, that we can define as a backward step into a reinvented form of ″Amerindianness″. The ″bad savage″ voices his criticism against impostures of the world. « Anthropophagy art is not a literary revolution, nor is it a social plea, nor a political pamphlet, nor a religious tract. It is all these things at the same time. Its law is simple: everything that is not me is of interest to me. The law of men is the law of Anthropophagy ». It thus prescribes eating up imported models and digesting them through the process of hybridization in the name of Brazilian identity. By displacing Freudian concepts, «Anthropophagy is the permanent transformation of the Taboo (man-eating) into a Totem (Brazilian identity) ». The permeating influences of psychoanalysis and anthropology need to be put in perspective: the displacement of the anthropophagous taboo remains a symbolic act of transgression, a metaphor, but the anthropophagic reference does not concern the pre-Columbian period, because it is updated. We propose to study this phenomenon through four questions: 1°- What are the relations between Anthropophagy, history, esthetics and ideology? 2°- What is the place of women Brazilian artists in the emergence of this movement, taking into account their decisive presence right from the start? 3°- Taking into account the resurgence of Anthropophagy from the second half of the 20th century onwards, what is the place of women artists in this phenomenon? Are they pursuing the same interests as the founders of the movement?4°- Can we deduce that there exists a specifically female genre within the anthropophagic movement of yesterday and of today? If so, what is its relevance? Where does it stand with respect to the contemporary concepts of post-modernity and globalization in the present-day art world?

Cette étude se place dans une perspective sociolinguistique. Elle souhaite mettre en exergue le caractère pathoglossique des rapports de certains créolophones à leur langue maternelle. Cette démarche accorde une attention particulière aux populations en présence pendant la période coloniale française dans les Caraïbes, dans le dessein de démontrer les conditions de la naissance des créoles à base française. Cependant, elle s’intéresse dans une mesure non moindre à l’ex-colonie de la Réunion (située dans l’Océan indien et française institutionnellement) ainsi qu’aux ex-colonies d’Amérique (Dominique, Haïti, Sainte-Lucie) et d’Océan indien (Maurice, Seychelles) qui échappent à la politique de planification linguistique de la France.Elle essaye d’établir les liens possibles entre les rapports des locuteurs à leur langue maternelle et les conditions serviles qui ont donné naissance à cette langue.Cette étude accorde un traitement hors du commun à la planification linguistique. Elle met l’accent sur l’intervention de la Politique dans les différents domaines d’emploi des langues et les impacts pathoglossiques d’un conditionnement qui accorde à l’humain une place insignifiante.Elle propose une approche humaniste dans la définition de la politique linguistique afin de réduire le fossé, entre autres, en matière de déperdition scolaire et sociale. / This study is to be considered from a sociolinguistic view. It aims at highlighting the pathologlossical nature of the ties of some creole speakers with their mother tongue. This process pays special regard to the inhabitants of the Caribbean islands during the colonial period so as to demonstrate the roots of French-based creoles. However it shows the utmost importance to the former colony of Reunion (located in the Indian Ocean and institutionally French).It also deals with the ancient American colonies (Dominica, Haiti, St Lucia) and those of the Indian Ocean (Mauritius, the Seychelles) which escape the French linguistic planification. It tries to establish possible links between the speakers relations to their native language and the servile conditions which gave birth to their language.Such a study grants special treatment to the linguistic planification. It focuses on the intrusion of politics in the various uses of languages on the pathologlossical impacts of a conditioning that attaches little importance to human beings.It offers a humanistic approach in defining a linguistic policy in order to reduce the gap among other things as regards school or social loss.

Why is it that, at a time when countless state officials are apologizing for historic wrongs and insisting that Canada has entered a period of reconciliation, many settlers continue to act towards indigenous peoples with unabated aggression and resentment? This thesis attempts to explain the continual reproduction of settler colonialism through an investigation of the processes involved in the formation of settlers as political subjects. Developing a Butlerean account of the subject, the author suggests that settlers are produced through colonial regimes as political subjects with deep and often unacknowledged investments in the reproduction of systems of oppression that provide for their material and psychic position of privilege. While the instability inherent in such systems ultimately threatens settlers themselves – as seen in the collapsing North American middle class – the fragility and precarity experienced by settlers who are targeted by neoliberal reforms often leads them to reinvest in, and aggressively defend, those very systems of power as a matter of subjective continuity. The author’s inquiry into these issues emerges from his own experience as a settler, and as an attempt to understand what motivates the aggression and resentment that many elements within his own community direct towards indigenous peoples. Because of these motivations, much of this thesis is grounded in discussions about the ways in which the author’s home community, in the southern Ontario riding of Bruce-Grey-Owen Sound, is predicated in ongoing acts of colonization. From burial ground reclamations, to mob violence, to the problems inherent in combatting white supremacy without at once critiquing settler colonialism, each of the examples brought forward in this thesis attempts to analyze why this community of settlers seemingly throbs with a collective anger and indignation that is continually directed at the Saugeen Anishinaabek. / Graduate

The aim of this thesis is to centre three people’s stories, their experiences and un-­ derstandings of the Swedish planning framework for mining establishments. The sto-­ ries centred are from Sami people whom in different ways analyses, questions, chal-­ lenges and changes the diverse expressions of colonialism, racism and capitalism within this framework. Through centring indigenous and decolonial planning this the-­ sis tries to expose colonial planning practices and how indigenous knowledges, worldviews and perspectives are made marginalised. But at the same time it reformu-­ lates, reconstruct and reimagines planning where non-­hierarchical and relational thinking is centred. This thesis is made through guidance of (mainly) indigenous and decolonial theories, methodologies and methods.

The case concerning demolition of the Japanese General Government Building in Seoul, South Korea, from the Japanese colonialism has been discussed since Korea’s liberation in 1945, but the building had been used for many functions during that time frame. This building was finally demolished during the period 1995 to 1997, despite the national and international protestations. This research analysed newspaper articles to study the conflict between pro-demolition and pro-conservation groups in the newspapers to see how, and why the conflict proceeded. Korean newspaper archives were used to search four newspapers from the time period of 1991 to 1998, using the keyword ‘Japanese General Government Building’. The collected data was analysed with qualitative methodology to understand the conflicts in the newspapers. This analysis revealed three reasons put forward by the pro-conservation, Memorial and Educational Value, Art and Use Value, and Economic Value and, two reasons of pro-demolition, the Memorial Obstacle and Socio-cultural obstacle. Most reasons for both groups were classic arguments relating to other difficult heritage buildings, however, two different reasons are pertinent to this particular case: First, the government did not present any practical reasons to destroy the building. Second, Feng-Shui was presented as one of the main reasons for destroying the building. This socio-cultural element has been a fundamental and strong belief system in Korea.

Since coffee was first introduced to Indonesia by Dutch merchants in the late seventeenth century, power relationships have shifted as a result of coffee trade between Indonesia and the Netherlands. In this thesis I analyse changes and recurrent themes in the struggles around coffee, structured around three main narratives spanning over 300 years: colonialism, Indonesian independence, and Fairtrade. The time-frames are chosen on the basis of significant development in the socio-economic and socio-political environment in the Indonesian coffee industry. The first narrative depicts the link between the Max Havelaar novel and the Max Havelaar Foundation, which sets the scene for bridging past and present in the triangular drama between coffee, colonialism and the Dutch-Indonesian relationship. In the second narrative, I will look at the history of relationships between Indonesia and the Netherlands, from the perspective of coffee. The inclusion of the lens of a feature or commodity, like coffee, provides a new approach to the Dutch-Indonesian history. The third narrative entails a discussion on the coffee supply chain, its environmental impact, and the price volatility that characterises the global coffee market. Additionally, the rise of sustainability certifications in the coffee sector are discussed, in relation to its impact on the Indonesian coffee industry. Finally, the three narratives come together in a final discussion, in which I reflect on the history of power struggles that arose from coffee trade between Indonesia and the Netherlands. The chapter links past and present by revealing similarities in the contest for power during colonial times and modern times in the Indonesian coffee industry.