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Abstract  Background: Healthcare communication by nonprofit organizations, such as the WHO, is facing challenges in today’s interconnected world. Healthcare communication has profound impact on human lives, such as on well-being. Understanding which factors play important roles in healthcare communication in today’s globalized world is therefore important. It is known that language and race representation in a message are such factors; yet, the relationship between the choice in language and race and the perception of a healthcare message is yet unclear. Objective: This study will explore the relationship between the choice of language and race representation in a healthcare message that has been communicated to people living in Cairo, Egypt, and the perception of this message, paying special attention to whether the English language is being perceived as superior compared to the official Arabic language. Methods: This study used a mixed-method approach. The methods included an online questionnaire among people residing in Cairo, Egypt, conducted between March 2023 and April 2023, consisting of two healthcare ads: a cardiac consultation by a non-Arabic (western) looking doctor (written in English) versus a consultation by an Arabic looking doctor (written in Arabic). The second method included an observational study of healthcare billboards present on the 6th of October Bridge in Cairo. Results: 464 questionnaire responses were analyzed and showed that language and race representation in a healthcare ad has impact on how participants perceived the healthcare ad. The healthcare service with the English content was perceived as better compared to the Arabic content, in terms of quality, knowledge and expertise. The observational study showed that healthcare billboards by nonprofit organizations in Cairo mainly contain the Arabic language, and equally use non-Arabic looking people as well as Arabic looking people. Conclusion: This study found a relationship between the choice of language and race representation in healthcare communication and how it is being perceived. English language and western race was perceived as superior compared to Arabic language and race. However, nonprofit organizations operating in Egypt currently use Arabic in their healthcare communication. Further research is needed to discover other factors that influence perception of healthcare communications, such as which language and race is preferred by the audience

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Drawing on Foucault’s conception of “subjugated knowledges,” this thesis attempts to articulate a subjugated anti-colonial reading of Marx so as to interrogate the discursive modifications effected within Marxism after Marx, specifically as those modifications relate to the conditions of possibility regulating Marxist understandings of race and colonialism. This genealogy proceeds by offering a critical re-examination of the ways in which Marxists of the Second International theorized a “modern,” “scientific” account of imperialism, one that expunged important insights into the nature of colonial-capitalism at the same time it established a new knowledge of capitalist expansion and the world market. This Leninist schematization of imperialism is theorized in relation to “deraceination,” a neologism arising from this project and describing the manifold discursive processes by which Marxism was uprooted from its grounding materialist premises while it underwent an ideological de-racialization that eschewed discussions of race and Indigeneity in Marxist political economy. After this critique of the Leninist schematization of imperialism, deraceination is elaborated by revisiting the early history of Marxist feminism, leading to the conclusion that the historical subjugation of the basic materiality of race and gender was accomplished in no small part through the definition of “the woman question.” By liberating this subjugated trajectory of Marxist thought, this thesis argues for the necessity of reincorporating an anti-colonial reading of Marx into our understandings of Marxism and Marxist feminism.

In Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s novel Americanah the young female protagonist is unexpectedly thrown into a life of marginalisation when she migrates from Nigeria to the American East coast. Having grown up in Nigeria her skin colour has neither been an issue nor of consideration to her, but it soon becomes apparent that elsewhere her complexion evokes expectations and functions as a breeding ground for prejudice. The aim of this essay is to discuss the remnants and effects of colonialism in past and present times including how postcolonialism is represented in Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s novel Americanah. Additional focus will be placed both on the subaltern’s right to represent and resistance to conform. The intention is to show that through discrimination of minorities, marginalised people are compelled to use mimicry to attain equal status, and thus are forced to compromise their identity. Considering the novel’s protagonist later return to Nigeria, a secondary focus will be placed on the possibility and probability of restoration of one’s identity.

Magister Commercii - MCom / Past historical events are crucial for understanding economies and answering imperative questions such as why economic inequalities persist, why certain countries experience economic growth or lag behind, and how societies and institutions shape economic performance. Past events such as colonialism, where colonial powers rooted themselves in the African continent for the aim of economic dominance, are said to have left lasting effects, especially with regards to the development outcomes within the colonised country.

Akseli Gallen-Kallela is often discussed as the national painter of Finland, as one who helped define Finnishness when Finland was still a colonized area of Russia. However, his trip to Africa from 1909-1911 shows where Gallen-Kallela acts as a pictorial colonizer himself, not only sympathizing with the Africans but representing them through a European cosmopolitan lens, as purer and closer to nature, but still inferior. The assumptions inherent in his representations of Africa reveal that Gallen-Kallela is not only a colonized subject but a colonizer of his own country.

Nigeria’s petroleum industry is the lynchpin of its economy. While oil has been the source of immense wealth for the nation, that wealth has come at a cost. Nigeria’s main oilproducing region of the Niger River Delta has experienced tremendous environmental degradation as a result of decades of oil exploration and production. Although there have been numerous historical works on Nigeria’s oil industry, there have been no in-depth analyses of the historical roots of environmental degradation over the full range of time from the colonial period to the present. This thesis contends that the environmental degradation of Nigeria’s oil producing region of the Niger Delta is the direct result of the persistent non-implementation of regulatory policies by post-independence Nigerian governments working in collusion with oil multinationals. Additionally, the environmental neglect of Nigeria’s primary oil-producing region is directly traceable back to the time of colonial rule. Vital to this argument is the view that the British colonial state created the economic institutions which promoted Nigerian economic dependency after independence was achieved in 1960. The weakness of Nigeria’s post-colonial dependent system is exposed presently through the continued neglect of regulatory policies by successive post-colonial Nigerian governments.

The native policy of Sir Theophilus Shepstone was influential in the evolution and formation of mid-nineteenth century Natal. From 1845 to the incorporation of Natal into the Union of South Africa in 1910, the native policy of Theophilus Shepstone dictated the organization and control of a native population of well over 100,000. The establishment and makeup of this system was an important institution in not only the history of Natal, but South Africa as a whole. While Shepstone was significantly impacted by the events of his early life, the main aspect of Shepstone's policy remained the Locations System. This system, created by the Commission for the Locating of the Natives in 1847, would dominate much of Shepstone's early career in Natal, especially the challenges made to the system during the formative years of the native policy. Shepstone's work in Natal would be called into question by several government officials, including Lieutenant-Governor of Natal Benjamin Pine. This conflict with the Natal government would eventually lead to Shepstone's abandonment of the Locations System for what would become known as his "Grand Removal Scheme." While the failure of this scheme would lead to the complete incorporation of the locations system, the longevity of the locations system itself is a product of the astuteness of Shepstone. While the colony of Natal was significantly impacted by economic and social factors, Shepstone remains one of the most influential figures in the evolution of the native policy of British Natal.

One of the decisive factors in twentieth century developments undoubtedly has been the rise of nationalism. Usually the child of foreign rule or colonialism, nationalism was the progenitor of reform movements that might have boon impossible without it. This applies particularly to the continents of Asia and Africa, whose peoples had experienced long periods of foreign rule. Two striking examples of how foreign domination triggered the move for independence, "modernism" and all the reform that this my entail are provided in Egypt and Iraq. Both countries have regained full independence only within the last quarter of a century. The reasons for selecting the reform movements in these two countries as the subject of this thesis are as follows: (1) Egypt and Iraq are regarded as the two leading countries. in the Arab world; moreover, they are frequent rivals for Arab leadership. (2) Although located in Africa, Egypt controls the Suez Canal, while Iraq--in Asia--is a major oil producer, thus both countries find themselves involved internationally. (3) Both control the main areas of the great rivers of the Middle East, the Nile in Egypt and the Euphrates and Tigria in Iraq.