The diplomatic and political deadlock in what has come to be known as the Palestine/Israel conflict, has led to the re-emergence of an anti-partition discourse that draws its arguments from the reality on the ground and/or from anti-Zionism. Why such a re-emergence? Actually, anti-partitionism as an antagonism depends on its corollary, partitionism, and as such, they have existed for the same period of time. Furthermore, the debate between antipartitionists and pro-partitionists – nowadays often referred to as a debate between the one-state and the two-state solution – is not peculiar to the period around 2000. It echoes the situation in the late 1910s when the British were settling in Palestine and authorising the Zionist settler colonial movement to build a Jewish homeland thus introducing the seeds of partition and arousing expressions of anti-partitionism. This dissertation aims to articulate a political history of the antipartitionist perspectives against the backdrop of an increasing acceptance of Palestine's partition as a solution. This account runs from 1915 and the first partition – that of the Arab territories of the Ottoman Empire – to 1988 and the Palestinian recognition of the principle of partition. Thus, I argue that the antipartitionist perspectives have persisted throughout history. Such a historical perspective enabled me to consider the acceptance of partition as the result of a shift from a “national and territorial liberation” strategy to the search for “sovereignty and national independence”, a shift that was operated in the Palestinian national movement as well as in the Zionist movement, and which made statehood the main objective. In this regard, the Palestinian acceptance of the principle of partition and of a two-state solution may be regarded as a legitimation of the Israeli colonial settler state.

Os estudos contemporâneos no campo da Arqueologia do Colonialismo têm se dedicado ao entendimento das complexas relações coloniais entre povos nativos e europeus, investigando tanto o papel agentivo quanto a história de longa duração dos povos indígenas. Assim, discussões relativas ao uso de conceitos como hibridação, mimetismo e ambivalência, dentre outros oriundos dos estudos pós-coloniais, têm permeado as pesquisas dedicadas às identidades e materialidades em contextos multiculturais. No entanto, devemos nos atentar para as implicações políticas de tais conceitos, e confrontar narrativas coloniais tradicionalmente centradas nas ideias de homogeneidade cultural ou, ainda, perda identitária de povos nativos. A presente tese, através da intersecção de três áreas - arqueologia, antropologia e história -, discute a aplicabilidade desses conceitos em contextos de interação entre povos tupiniquins pré-coloniais (e possíveis descendentes) e colonizadores portugueses no litoral sul de São Paulo, entre os séculos XVI e XIX. O objetivo é entender a variabilidade de práticas cerâmicas ao longo do tempo e a apropriação de tecnologias e práticas estrangeiras - marcadas pela ambivalência - focando-se no conceito da Arqueologia da Persistência. Para tanto, a tese levanta uma série de questões em torno da aplicabilidade do conceito de hibridação, enquanto ferramenta para entender situações de interação cultural. Deste modo, a comparação entre as práticas cerâmicas tupiniquim pré-coloniais e coloniais, e as práticas cerâmicas de tecnologia combinada - indígena, portuguesa e africana -, bem como as vasilhas identificadas nos séculos XIX e XX, permitiram traçar a persistência de um habitus cerâmico tupiniquim, particularmente no litoral sul de São Paulo, num período histórico de longuíssima duração. Tal dado é extremamente relevante, uma vez que nos permite refletir sobre a história desses povos, contudo, sem uma divisão estanque e dicotômica entre pré-história versus história ou, ainda, entre continuidade versus mudança. Ao contrário, nos permite estabelecer conexões entre passado e presente, principalmente através da associação entre práticas sociais, tanto no âmbito da micro-escala, como nos processos históricos de longa duração. / Contemporary studies in the field of Archeology of Colonialism have been devoted to understanding the complex colonial relations between native and European peoples, investigating both the agentive role and the indigenous peoples\' long-term history. Thus, discussions about the use of concepts such as hybridization, mimicry and ambivalence, among others from postcolonial studies, have permeated the research on identities and materialities in multicultural contexts. However, we must pay attention to the political implications of such concepts, and confront colonial narratives traditionally centered on the ideas cultural homogeneity, or even identity loss of native peoples. Through the intersection of three areas - archeology, anthropology and history - this thesis discusses the applicability of these concepts in contexts of interaction between pre-colonial tupiniquim peoples (and their possible descendants) and Portuguese settlers on the southern coast of São Paulo state between the 15th and the 19th centuries. The goal here is to understand the variability of ceramic practices through time and the appropriation of foreign technologies and practices - marked by ambivalences - focusing on the concept of Archeology of Persistence. In order to do so, this thesis raises a series of questions about the applicability of the concept of hybridization as a tool to understand such relations of cultural interaction. Thus, the comparison between pre-colonial and colonial tupiniquim ceramic practices, and the combined technology ceramic practices - indigenous, Portuguese, and African - as well as vessels identified in the 19th and 20th centuries, allowed us to trace the persistence of a tupiniquim ceramic habitus, particularly on the southern coast of São Paulo state, in a historical period of very long duration. This fact is extremely relevant, given that it allows us to reflect on the history of these peoples without a narrow and dichotomous division between pre-history versus history, or between continuity versus change. On the contrary, it allows us to establish connections between past and present, mainly through the association between social practices, both within the micro-scale and long historical processes.

French rule over Syria and Lebanon was premised on a vision of a special French protectorate established by centuries of cultural activity; archaeological, educational and charitable. This vision translated into a meaning of the mandate as colonial protectorate, integrated into the French Empire. Initial French methods of organising and supervising cultural activity sought to embrace this vision and to implement it in the exploitation of antiquities, the management and promotion of cultural heritage, the organisation of education and control of the public opinion among literate classes. However, in-depth examination of the first five years of the League of Nations-assigned mandate reveals that French expectations of a protectorate were quickly dashed by consistent and widespread contestation of their mandatary methods within cultural institutions, not simply among Arabists but so too among minority groups initially expected to be loyal clients. The violence of imposing the mandate de facto, starting with a landing of French troops in the Lebanese and Syrian Mediterranean coast in 1919 and followed by extension to Syria “proper” in 1920 was followed by consistent violent revolt and rejection of the very idea of a mandate over local peoples. Examining the cultural institutions’ role reveals less violent yet similarly consistent contestation of French meanings ascribed to the mandate by challenging their methods of executing it. Tracing the mandate administrators’ and surveillance and diplomatic apparatus’ point of view, this analysis shows the significant pressure put on French expectations through contestation of such policies as the exportation of antiquities, the expansion of French instruction over Arabic learning, the censorship of the press. This did not quite unite the infamously tapestry-like stakeholders within and without Syria on a nationalist or even anti-imperialist framework. Yet there was a unity in contesting mandatary methods precieved to be transforming the meaning of a League of Nations mandate. The political and de jure discourses emerging after the tragedy of World War I fostered expectations of European tutelages that prepared local peoples for autonomy and independence. Yet, even among the most Francophile of stakeholders, the unfolding of the first years of mandate rule brought forth de facto, entirely different events and methods. In conjunction with the ongoing violent refusal to accept even the premise of a French mandate, this contestation, partly occurring through cultural institutions, contributed to a fundamental reduction of French expectations in the formative five years. An in-depth horizontal and synchronic analysis of the shifts in discourses, attitudes and activities unfolding in French and locally-organised cultural institutions such as schools, museums and newspapers thus signals the need for mandate studies to give greater consideration to shifts in international and local meanings, methods and capacities rather than treating it as a single unit of analysis.

Thesis (M. A. (English Studies)) --University of Limpopo, 2018 / This study seeks to examine the concept of identity in the post-colonial South Africa. Like any other African state, South Africa was governed by a colonial strategy called apartheid which meted out harsh conditions on black people. However, the indomitable system of apartheid was subdued by the leadership of the people, which is democracy in 1994. Notwithstanding the dispensation of democracy, colonial legacies such as inequality, racial discrimination and poverty are still yet to be addressed. As mirrored in Sindiwe Magona’s Beauty’s Gift (2008) and Mother to Mother (1998) and Kopano Matlwa’s Coconut (2008) and Spilt Milk (2010), the colonial past perhaps paved a way for social issues to warm their way into the democratic South Africa. This study will use the aforementioned novels penned in the post-colonial period to present an evocation of identity-crisis in South Africa. It will then employ these methodological approaches; Afrocentricity, Feminism, Historical-biographical and Post-Colonial Theory to assert and re-assert the identity that South Africans have acquired subsequent to the political transition from apartheid to democracy. KEY WORDS: Apartheid, Colonialism, Democracy, Identity, Post-Colonialism

Skogsbruket har en lång historia i Sverige och kom under 1900-talet att hamna i en rad konflikter med intressegrupper som förespråkade skogens immateriella värden. Syftet med denna diskursanalys är att redogöra för de maktrelationer som var rådande under 1980-talets skogsbruk i Jokkmokks kommun. Undersökningen ämnar i första hand att lyfta de röster som under 1980- talets skogsbruk i Jokkmokks kommun tystades av de intressegrupper som prioriterade skogens materiella värden. Hur den koloniserade har agerat och reagerat kommer följaktligen att behandlas. Undersökningen påvisar att Jokkmokks kommun blev överexploaterad under 1980-talet vilket kom att skapa maktrelationer mellan skogens intressegrupper. Avverkningarna påverkade både rennäringen och den lokala befolkningen och 1980-talet går således att ses som en fortsatt postkolonial era där en kolonial diskurs är rådande. Undersökningen visar även att det fanns möjlighet att göra motstånd men att de röster som förespråkade skogens immateriella värden försummades. / Forestry has a long history in Sweden and came during the 20th century to end up in a series of conflicts with the interest groups advocating the immaterial values of the forest. The purpose of this discourse analysis is to describe the power relationships that were prevalent during the 1980s forestry in the municipality of Jokkmokk. This study primarily focuses on highlighting the voices during the 1980s forestry in the municipality of Jokkmokk who were silenced by groups that prioritize the material values of the forest. How the colonized have acted and reacted will also be discussed. This study shows that the municipality of Jokkmokk became overly exploited in the 1980s which came to create the power relationships between forest interest groups. Felling affected both reindeer herding and the local population and it is possible to speak of the 1980s as a continued post-colonial era where a colonial discourse is prevalent. The survey also shows that it was possible to resist but that the votes in favor of the forest's immaterial values were easily neglected.

Some years ago I stumbled upon and straight into the bliss of the tropical paradise when setting foot in a Tiki bar for the first time. The story behind this enchanting pop cultural institution unfolded a history built upon colonial power, cultural appropriation and hegemonies. This paper investigates the western construction of the tropical paradise and the power relations that it is built upon. The work revolves around processing my own attraction towards the tropical paradise and adressing how eurocentric narratives have been depicting Oceanic cultures, people and environments in Western popular culture. I approach this attraction by both researching the colonial history of Europeans presence in Oceania and how those events intertwine with our ideas of the paradise on earth today, as well as making objects, scenes and performances that alludes to the topic. At the end of this phase of the project, the colonial gaze that constructed the tropical paradise is turned towards the West itself in the making of the installation Civilization Bar.

Abstract Sápmi, located in the North of Fennoscandia, including Finland, Sweden, Norway and parts of Russia, is the home of the majority of the indigenous Sámi people. With a high amount of natural resources in the shape of minerals, forests, and energy extraction, Sápmi is a place of a dispute between different actors such as the Nordic governments, corporations, locals, and Europe’s only indigenous people, the Sámis. On 22 March 2022, the Swedish Government granted a mining license to mobilize an iron ore mine in Gállok, the Swedish side of Sápmi, which has contributed to land-use conflicts and discrimination against the Sámi people. Thus, this issue continues today, making it vital to continue research on the land-use conflict in Sápmi. This qualitative study method uses an abductive approach and case study design. The interview method used is semi-structured interviews with purposive sampling to collect Sámi interviewees. Indigenous methodologies are used to conduct ethical research and apply Johan Galtung's violence triangle as a theory. The study's objective is to understand the land-use conflict in Gállok through the Sámi perspective. The study looks at the methods external actors use to access Gállok and the consequences of a mine in the area. The thesis findings showed that the three violences are visible in the land-use conflict in Gállok. The study presents that the methods used to access Gállok originates from education and media, furthers the laws and regulations by the Swedish authorities and the use of language to promote a green transition and civilization. The consequences found was the negative impact on the Sámi development through their perspective, hindering the chances to continue Sámi livelihood and an effect on Sámi well-being and identity. Additionally, the findings showed that the violences were differently dominating. However, cultural violence has shown to be the core contribution to structural and direct violence. Future research can focus on an intersectional impact on the mining establishment Sámis experience and furthering a decolonizing process.

In a contemporary with intense concerns towards global warming, this thesis has investigated the matter of how trade regulation policies, responding to climate change, are rhetorically motivated and discussed within international forums. Particularly by looking at the European Union’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism and by critically dissecting how the EU has been navigating its conflicting position; on one hand, as the self-appointed leader of progressive climate actions, on the other hand, as the guardian of the common economic interests of the Union – and on a third stand, as a prominent member of the World Trade Organization, with binding obligations to not violate its rules.  On the basis of a theoretically post-colonial perspective, this paper has explored the power-relational tensions operating within discussions, practically by investigating the narrating presence of post-colonial tendencies. The study has additionally been interested in contributing to wider discussions on ideas and processes influencing the evolvement of international trade regulations on climate, and similarly, to constructively nuance the leadership role shouldered by the EU. This has been completed through an operationalization of three theoretical concepts; Universalism, Otherness/Self and Hegemony - and by implementing a mixed-method approach, bringing forward both qualitative and quantitative results answering up to the question on how the EU’s motivation in favour of the CBAM has been carried out rhetorically – both within internal discussions and during official WTO meetings.  Based on two data-cases reflecting the nature of EU’s rhetoric within the two forums, and in relation to the three theoretical concepts - intentionally developed to detect different post-colonial features - this study resulted in interesting outcomes demonstrating distinct rhetorical patterns. While in WTO contexts, emphases were put on asserting the EU as the natural leader and the CBAM as the most ambitious and effective environmental tool – internal discussions revealed contrastingly higher emphases on motivating the CBAM in terms of being a convenient regulation, serving the climate objective - most importantly - without interfering, nor jeopardizing the sovereignty of EU’s economic position. In fact, comparing between the two data-cases, the frequency of code-words motivating economic interests were 178% higher in internal EU discussions. It has therefore been verified that EU’s internal discussions on how to tackle global warming are strongly interlinked with reasonings around economic matters of interests. On the contrary, this is exceedingly toned down during official WTO-meetings.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the images of Sápmi and the Saami people that existed among natural historians during the eighteenth century through the lens of Carl Linnaeus' Lapland journey 1732. It examines how these images were tied to the societal discourses of the time and if and how these images were used during the Swedish colonisation of Sápmi. This was done by doing a close reading of Flora Lapponica, Iter Lapponicum and Diaeta naturalis, noting emerging themes and trying to identify the societal discourses shaping these themes. The thesis finds that Linnaeus' descriptions of Sápmi and the Saami often are heavily mythologising and that Linnaeus, inspired by gothicism and primitivism, liked to use the Saami as didactic examples. However, these idealised descriptions are contradicted by Linnaeus himself. In the same texts he describes the Saami as both the pinnacles of health and as drunken and sickly. Linnaeus was also influenced by mercantilist thought and suggested many plans on how to best use Sápmis natural resources and thereby increase the Swedish states profits. The Saami, viewed as primitive but now without primitivism’s positive connotations, were seen as incapable of correctly exploiting their resources themselves. If Linnaeus' plans had been implemented they would have destroyed the Saami lifestyle Linnaeus claimed to idealise. The thesis concludes that while Linnaeus painted an idealised picture of Sápmi and the Saami in his text he did so knowing that it was at least partially false. He used these theoretical Saami to criticise his own society and as didactic examples for his fellow Swedes, but in practice had no problems with the colonial exploitation of Sápmi.

<p> The conflict between native people and resource development in the Canadian north is considered within the framework of a colonial model of development. It is hypothesized that the origins of contemporary land use conflicts in the north can be attributed to the colonization of native people, and that the growing discontent among native people can be viewed as a response to the perpetuation of their colonial status. </p> <p> Two phases in the historical relationship between native people and the Canadian government, traditional colonialism and nee-colonialism, are defined and the impacts of these forms of colonialism upon native people, and their role in the future development of the north, are examinedo Alternative native responses to colonial status are identified and each option is discussed in terms of its likelihood as a choice and the effects of that choice upon the native community. Government control over native people is identified as a major constraint on response choice. Various means of government control and their effectiveness are considered. </p> <p> Two alternatives are presented for the future control of political space in northern Canada: continuation of colonial domination or increasing control by natives. It is concluded, on the basis of recent experiences in native communities, that increasing control by natives is the only means through which the political and socio-economic status of native people will be improved. </p> / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)