Community archives have developed in response to gaps in the documentary record and the real and perceived limitations of state-funded archives. These communities, whether defined by location, shared identity, or common interests, recognize the vital role of records in building collective memory and the importance of having access to their history. Informed by postmodern and postcolonial intellectual concerns, archivists have explored such themes and taken a greater interest in community archives as models of archiving that offer new opportunities and tools for capturing diversity and multiple perspectives on the past. This thesis traces the history of archival thought in relation to community by examining the dichotomy between community and mainstream archives. It explores the breakdown of the dichotomy, as exemplified in recent models of independent community archives and participatory archives. Case studies of the Boissevain Community Archives and Shingwauk Residential Schools Centre test the hypothesis that archivists stand to benefit from a historical perspective on community archives, one that takes into account the ongoing production of community and the role of archives, archivists, and community members in that production. Throughout, this thesis reaffirms the value of historical analysis in archival studies, arguing that it enriches understandings of the provenance of records created, maintained, and preserved by community. / October 2016

Les relations entre l'État canadien et les Autochtones sont, depuis 1876, principalement régies par la Loi sur les Indiens. Le 9 octobre 2001, le ministre des affaires indiennes et du Nord canadien présente à la Chambre des communes la Loi sur la gouvernance des Premières nations (LGPN), projet de loi qui, d'affirmer le ministre, constitue une politique charnière en droit fédéral canadien. En effet, la LGPN a pour objet de compléter et de modifier la Loi sur les Indiens afin de préparer, selon les dires du ministre, les communautés autochtones à leur éventuelle émancipation politique. Le discours du gouvernement canadien suggère que la LGPN ouvre la voie à la décolonisation du droit fédéral autochtone puisqu'elle rompt avec l'approche coloniale inhérente à la Loi sur les Indiens. Une grande majorité d'Autochtones s'oppose toutefois à l'adoption de ce projet de loi, l'interprétant comme une reconduction de la politique colonialiste fédérale. L'objectif du présent mémoire est de déterminer si la LGPN annonce véritablement la fin des rapports coloniaux entre le gouvernement canadien et les Autochtones ou si, au contraire, elle n'est que l'expression moderne d'une mesure législative colonialiste. Notre analyse se fonde sur une grille d'identification du colonialisme que nous aurons préalablement établie. Après avoir démontré que la Loi sur les Indiens constitue un exemple paradigmatique de colonialisme, nous tenterons de déterminer si la LGPN se distingue véritablement de la Loi sur les Indiens. Nous conclurons que, bien que comportant certaines mesures positives, la LGPN témoigne de 1'hésitation du gouvernement canadien à changer la nature des relations qu'il entretient avec les Autochtones. / Since 1876, relations between Aboriginals and the federal Crown have always been defined by the Indian Act. On October 2001, the First Nations Governance Act (FNGA) was introduced in the House of Commons by the Minister of Indian Affairs and Northem Development. According to the Minister, the bill is pivotaI in seeking to amend and complement the Indian Act in order to prepare Aboriginals for their future political emancipation. The purported purpose of this new policy is to operate a fundamental shift away from the colonial approach ofthe Indian Act. However, the majority of Aboriginals are opposed to the enactment of the bill since, in their view, it only entrenches the colonial approach embraced by the federal govemment's policies. The purpose of this thesis is to determine whether the FNGA will in fact shift away from the colonial approach of the govemment toward Aboriginals or if, on the contrary, is about modemizing colonialism. Our analysis begins with a definition of a framework using indicators to identify colonialism which we will have previously drawn up. Using this framework, we will first demonstrate the colonialist nature of the Indian Act, to then determine whether the FNGA in fact distinguishes itself from the Indian Act. While the FNGA contains sorne steps in a direction of shift away from the colonial approach, it largely reveals that the Canadian govemment still hesitates to change the nature of its relationship with Aboriginals.

I argue that competing visions of development guided the interventions of the United States and France in the West African country of Ivory Coast during the late colonial and early independence periods from 1946 through the 1960s. Indeed, the postwar arrival of American modernity provided an opportunity for nationalist leaders to triangulate the relationship between metropolitan France and colonial Ivory Coast. The ensuing politics of triangulation forced French colonial officials, diplomats, and development experts to “dub” modernization in order to bolster (neo)colonial ties between France and the Ivory Coast. By dubbing I mean the effort to translate and adapt for French purposes development concepts and techniques first elaborated in the United States. I explore these issues in case histories of the port of Abidjan, Kossou dam, and San Pedro development projects. I highlight the discursive as well as institutional frameworks that shaped the development of Ivory Coast. In the early twentieth century, French colonialism’s mission civilisatrice and mise en valeur posited that the colonizers were rational and productive, while the colonized were backward and incompetent to exploit their natural resources. After the Second World War, the ascendant American modernization paradigm added a new level of valuation to colonialism’s moral economy. It proposed a dynamic and progressive teleology in which the colonized could become modernized and actually “work by themselves” to reproduce hegemonic U.S. technological, economic, and political norms. Modernization was a civilizing project as well, but in contrast French (neo)colonialism now appeared static and paternalistic. French attempts to recuperate their position in the Ivory Coast deployed the epistemic memories of decades of work in the colony but ironically involved promoting forms of regional planning pioneered by the Tennessee Valley Authority. To reach these insights, I have used an interdisciplinary historical methodology that is multiarchival and multisited. My dissertation is based on research in numerous French and American archives as well as oral histories with French and American actors who participated in the (post)colonial development drive in the Ivory Coast.

Education in conflict settings is a new field of inquiry and there is a paucity of research about this topic as regards the education of children with disabilities. This qualitative study set out to gain insight into how children with disabilities are educated in the conflict setting of Uganda and how it could be improved. This study used a critical, constructivist and grounded research style to generate data. It was critical because its aims and questions focused on addressing the injustices experienced by children with disabilities. It was constructivist as both the participants and myself co-constructed knowledge. It also had some grounded theory features such as emergence and iteration in its methods and tools. For instance, it had three distinct but interrelated stages. The first stage involved an exploratory study which used online methods to gather data from 27 participants who had lived or worked in Uganda. The second stage was an experiential study in two sites in Uganda which used observation and interview methods to collect data from 35 participants. The third and final stage synthesised significant codes and memos constructed from the exploratory and experiential stages into a theory of education. There were four main findings in this study. First, it revealed the nature and extent of the challenges faced by all children living in conflict settings: forced displacement, dehumanisation, rampant poverty and weakened leadership. Second, it discovered that disabled people experienced rejection in their communities and invisibility in the provision of services such as education. Whilst these practices prevailed in non-conflict situations, they were intensified in conflict settings and were counter to the African beliefs on what it meant to be human and live in a community. Third, education in Uganda was likened to disabled people and considered 'creeping' or 'crippled' because of demotivated teachers, disengaged parents, ailing infrastructure and decreasing quality. Fourth and last, participants had visions of educational change which involved modifying it and transforming it into an education that develops conscience in children, reinforces hope and widens opportunities. This research made the following original contributions: generating original data, conceptualising Africanised interviews, and constructing a theory of Africanising education. According to my knowledge I could claim originality to this study in that by 2012, no other study had generated original data on the interfaces between education, disability and conflict in Northern Uganda using a critical, constructivist, and grounded research style. In addition, this research style led to the emergence of Africanised interviews: interviews embedded in the customs and practices of the African people. Importantly, this study led to the construction of a theory which contained critical knowledge on how Africanisation could be thought of and brought about in the setting. Africanisation was understood as the process of using African philosophies such as 'ubuntu' and communalism to transform the 'creeping' education system, reform the colonial curriculum, renew teacher professionalism, mend communities, and re-humanise the relationships between disabled and non-disabled people. Africanisation also entailed decolonising scholarship and this involved quoting African scholars and exposing their philosophies which had been marginalised by Western scholars.

This thesis presents an ethnography of public discourse in postcolonial, decolonial, queer, and multimedia contexts, as part of a critical analysis of imperialism in the digital age. In mixing experiences with theory and social practice, I draw on the work of activists who have already begun to mold these theories into everyday practice, paying particular attention to Occupy Wall Street, the Zapatistas of Mexico, and Southerners on New Ground (SONG)—a regionally focused non-profit organization based in the southern United States. I develop techno-seduction as a term to deconstruct the lure of technological determinism promoting static interpretations of democracy, consensus, and participation, and to describe the impact these interpretations have on intrapersonal and group identity formation.

This thesis compares French educational policy in Morocco and Tunisia during the French protectorate. It concetrates on the evolution of educational systems of both countries before the French colonial era and French reforms of the system. It is based on an analysis of the key figures of the protectorates, the residents-general Cambon and Lyautey and their heads of the education departments Machuel and Hardy. That is achieved through an analysis of their opinions on the educational and colonial policy and their application. The thesis deals with the beginninigs of the protectorate era when the foundations of the French system were laid.

Cette thèse interroge la relation entre la littérature et l'idée impérialiste chez Pierre Loti. La vogue du voyage en Orient au XIXe siècle correspond au développement de la colonisation commerciale et politique qui change de façon fondamentale la vision du monde pour les gens de l'époque. L'aspiration vers l'ailleurs s'entremêlant à la perspective impériale, l'expansion territoriale européenne influence la perception du dehors de l'Occident. En poursuivant son rêve oriental, Pierre Loti, quant à lui, découvre la réalité locale à l'étranger et écrit de cette expérience existentielle des récits tout aussi exotiques que banals. Le but de notre réflexion est de mettre en question le rapport de l'écrivain à l'Orient sous influence coloniale. Elle s'efforce d'éclaircir le mécanisme de ses pensées sur l'ailleurs à partir des études sur la représentation de la Turquie, de l'Inde et du Japon / The subject of this doctoral thesis is the relation between literature and imperial ideology in the world of Pierre Loti. Journeys to the Orient had a great vogue throughout the 19th century and followed the same direction as the colonial undertaking that influenced the vision of the world at that period. The aspiration for the East intertwined with the imperial perspective, the territorial expansion of the European powers influenced the perception of outside the West. Pierre Loti has discovered the local situation in each country he visited and has written, from this existential experience, exotic and mundane stories. The purpose of our thinking is to call into question the connection between the writer and the East under colonial influence. It attempts to clarify the mechanism of his thoughts on the culture of non-Western civilizations and tries to analyze the representation of Turkey, India and Japan in his novels

This Bachelor’s thesis explores the relationship between borders, boundaries and migration, and their effect on identity making from a diasporic perspective. The study focuses on notions of national, regional, cultural, tribal and ethnic identity, and set in relation to the influence borders and boundarieshave on these processes. It investigates this topical realm within the specific conditions of the Angolan-Namibian border, following the developments from the era of colonization, independence struggle and decolonization and the transformation of Angola and Namibia into self-asserting and sovereign states, in which it focuses on the identity making of the Angolan diaspora residing in the border town of Rundu, northern Namibia. In doing so, it sets out to investigate the connection between macro variables and processes such as colonialism, the Cold War in Africa, and independence movements, to micro processes focusing on the living conditions and experiences of border residents. The study aims at a holistic approach drawing from theoretical developments within border and boundary studies stemming from disciplines such as political geography and anthropology, along with migration studies and social psychology. The results suggest that differing dominant conditions of the Angolan and Namibian states in terms of historical and political development, living conditions and the manifestation of the border and political assertion of the nation-states, has indeed helped to inform and construct different social categories and identities. In terms of the Angolan diaspora, the results indicate that migrants acquiring Namibian citizenships and thereby rights, did redefine their national identity to a greater extent than those denied documentation as their agency has become curtailed, leaving this group in an identity-limbo. The main contribution of this study is an investigation of what the border-migration-identity nexus means in terms of the Angolan diaspora and the Kavango region.

The small island of St Barthélemy was a Swedish colony 1784–1878 and saw its greatest population growth and trade during the turn of the nineteenth century. This was because of Gustavia, the Swedish founded free port, which attracted mariners from the Caribbean, North America and Europe. Their goal was to become Swedish subjects, as Swedish neutrality provided a benefit during the various wars at this time between France, Great Britain and the United States. As these mariners changed their national allegiance from their country of origin to Sweden, questions about their political rights emerged. The makeup, as well as the role, of the local council became a contested issue between native and naturalized Swedes. This conflict, as well as many other local and global issues, was discussed in various mediums. I have examined petitions, the newspaper The Report of Saint Bartholomew and discussions within the council, to create an understanding of how political expression was formed by the population, as well as controlled by Swedish administrators. This analysis has been performed through an intersectional framework considering gender, race and ethnicity. My study shows that while most native and naturalized Swedes believed in input from the population, they had different perceptions of what the purpose of this input was. The Swedish administration saw the political participation of the naturalized population as purely advisory, without any obligation to perform its wishes, which the population resented and protested. Gender played a significant role in the formation of political expression, as masculinity was essential to the identity of white men and free men of colour as political subjects. Yet ethnicity, in terms of place of birth, had no significant impact among the free population’s political identity, although it did render them politically unreliable in the eye of native Swedish administration.

Ce travail propose une interprétation de la pensée anticoloniale du psychiatre et philosophe politique martiniquais Frantz Fanon. Il se proposera de la comprendre comme une philosophie sociale de l’existence. Il s’agira, pour l’analyser, de replacer Fanon dans son époque, en contextualisant son œuvre par rapport à l’histoire du colonialisme moderne, notamment en Afrique, mais aussi de relire Fanon à la lumière de la pensée contemporaine aux fins de déceler ce qui, dans son œuvre, demeure actuel. Cette recherche se déploiera en deux temps. La première partie aura pour objectif de dévoiler les fondements racistes du colonialisme en en explorant les conséquences dans plusieurs domaines : droit et politique, notamment, mais aussi économie et psychiatrie. Le concept de « prise de vies », qui sera opposé à celui de « prises de terres » élaboré par Carl Schmitt, servira de fil conducteur à cette recherche. Il s’agira de soutenir que la disqualification de certains groupes humains seule rendit possible l’accaparement des territoires ultramarins. Ce sont les modalités de cette disqualification qu’explicitera ce premier moment. La seconde partie portera sur les modèles de résistance à cette domination dont Fanon propose une formulation inédite. On verra comment c’est par la répétition transformatrice de ce qui est que peut surgir la nouveauté dans l’histoire. Répétition dans la différence, fut-elle violente, qui constitue le cœur même de la pensée fanonienne. Ainsi la répétition africaine des nations européennes ; ainsi le panafricanisme qui seront finalement abordés. Il s’agira donc de dessiner les contours de l’« ontologie » existentielle et politique de Frantz Fanon. / This thesis offers an interpretation of Martiniquais political Philosopher and Psychiatrist Frantz Fanon. It proposes to understand his thinking as a social philosophy of existence. Analyzing it requires to put Fanon back in his time, by setting his work in its context, through modern colonialism history, especially in Africa, and by reading Fanon in light of contemporary thinking, in order to find what in his work remains up to date. This research will unfold in two parts. The first part will explore the very specificities of the colonial model of domination, which have been rather disregarded until these days. The second part will focus on the models of resistance to this domination, like revolutionary actions, to which Fanon gives an original expression. The racist bases of colonialism will be revealed through its numerous implications in Law and Politics, and also in Economy and Psychiatry. The concept of “life-appropriation”, while opposed to Carl Schmitt’s concept of “land-appropriation”, will be the vital lead of this research. The issue will be to maintain that disqualification of specific human groups alone made it possible to monopolize oversea territories. Modalities of this disqualification will be made explicit. The second part aims at showing how Fanon develops what could be named speculative politics, in response to colonial dehumanization. A thinking which objects are less concepts or ideas than actual historically localized power struggles.