This thesis discusses the emergence of anti-Japanese resistance movements based on mission schools in Seoul and Pyongyang established by American Northern Presbyterian missionaries in turn-of-the-twentieth-century Korea. It examines how Korean elites from the schools, despite Japanese surveillance, took part in national independence activities by orchestrating diverse systematic anti-Japanese organizations at home and abroad. It is also explored how educational missionaries influenced the formation and development of Koreans’ national consciousness and anticolonial activism, thereby unveiling missionary attitudes toward Korean independence and the Japanese colonial regime. This thesis broadly explores three key issues. Firstly, this research demonstrates the subtle interplay between mission education and socio-political dimensions of Korea in the imperialist milieu of East Asia. This issue pays particular attention to hegemonic contest between American missionaries and Japanese colonialists over mission schools, emerged in the imperialist landscape of Western powers. This study traces how the unique but mutually incompatible projects of evangelization and colonization pursued by missionaries and colonialists respectively encountered in a site of mission education. It is also important to note the clash between American democratic ideas and Japanese values, each in their own way trying to civilize the Koreans. Secondly, this study illuminates the connection between Koreans’ expectation of mission education amidst foreign imperialist threats to Korea and their collective vision of making a sovereign nation. Especially, pro-Protestant Korean reformers attributed Korea’s inability to check the imperialist intrusion to Confucian civilization and sinocentrism deeply rooted in Korea. Therefore, under an epoch-making slogan of ‘civilization and enlightenment’, the reformers sought modern Western elements derived from mission education in order to protect Korea from imperialism and simultaneously to develop it into a strong ‘civilized’ nation. For them, mission schools were not simply religious institutions for evangelism, but incubators to produce national leaders for Korean independence and restoration of sovereignty by diffusing liberating knowledge and patriotic sentiment throughout Korea. Mission education thus had multiple objectives and roles in a particular historical condition of Korea. Lastly, this thesis considers the anticolonial discourse and praxis of mission-educated Koreans during Japan’s early colonial era of Korea. The modernizing vision of Korean reformers flowed into the curricula and contents of mission education, Korean students imbibing Western concepts such as democracy, equality, and freedom related to Korean nationalism. This intellectual interaction imbued the students with critical consciousness reflecting their colonial reality, leading them to form anti-Japanese organizations intended to subvert the colonial regime. The anticolonial activism of Korean students reinforced the tense interaction between missionaries and colonialists. The principle of political non-interventionism taken by the missionaries crumbled away when the students engaged in anti-Japanese movements, and the missionary involvement in colonial politics resulted in the colonialists’ policies to eliminate missionary power in mission education. Observing the advent of anticolonial activism in mission schools, this research elucidates the unintended missionary links with Korean resistance movements against Japanese colonialism and for Korean independence.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Francisco dos Santos.pdf: 621684 bytes, checksum: 7408aa86803b431428e76567748e2d11 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-17 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The research records the relationship between Brazil and Angola, between the period of 1960 and 1970, analyzing the Afro-Brazilian Movement Pro- Liberation of Angola (MABLA); a movement that involves various sectors of the society in Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. The aim of this movement was to create awareness to the Brazilian public about the problems faced by the Portuguese colonies in Africa; this research focused especially on the actions leading on to the independence of Angola. There were many burdens because Angola s independence happened in the middle of the Cold War, and an aggravating factor was the Salazar s regime which was established in Portugal in 1926 and was very anachronistic. This regime had close links to Brazil almost till the end, in 1974, with the Carnation Revolution. MABLA had established relationship with the Popular Movement for Angola s Liberation (MPLA), a movement which had closed ties to the Soviet Union and Cuba. In the coup d´état of April 1, 1964, the Civil-Military regime aligned with the United States, some militants of MABL were arrested. This same Civil-Military regime was the first to recognize Angola s independence on November 11, 1975, led by MPLA. Therefore, the research examines the development of relationships between two countries, trying to understand the contexts of the decade 1960 to 1970 regarding its transformations / A pesquisa apresentada registra o relacionamento entre Brasil e Angola, entre a década de 1960 e 1970 por meio do Movimento Afro-brasileiro Pró- Libertação de Angola (MABLA). Movimento que envolveu diversos setores da sociedade tanto nas cidades de São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro. As ações desse Movimento manifestaram-se no sentido de sensibilizar a opinião pública brasileira para os problemas enfrentados pelas então colônias portuguesas em África. Mormente nessa pesquisa vão ser trabalhadas as ações em prol da independência de Angola, por parte do Brasil. Os ônus enfrentados foram grandes, visto que o processo de independência de Angola estava inserido na conjuntura da Guerra-Fria, tendo como agravante que estava sobre domínio do regime português salazarista estabelecido em 1926 e já muito anacrônico. Regime com o qual o Brasil teve relações estreitas até quase seu termino, em 1974, com a Revolução dos Cravos. O MABLA estabeleceu laços com o Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA), movimento esse que, com passar do tempo estreitou relações com a União Soviética e Cuba. Conduto com o Golpe Civil-Militar de 1 de Abril de 1964, que alinha o Brasil com os Estados Unidos, alguns militantes do MABLA foram presos. Esse mesmo regime Civil-Militar foi o primeiro a reconhecer a independência de Angola, em 11 de novembro de 1975, tendo a frente o MPLA. A pesquisa, portanto, analisa o desenvolvimento das relações entre, Brasil e Angola, procurando entender as conjunturas da década de 1960 a 1970, tendo em vistas suas transformações

Orientador: Giséle Manganelli Fernandes / Banca: Laura Patricia Zuntini de Izarra / Banca: Peter James Harris / Resumo: O escritor australiano Peter Carey promove, em seu romance True History of the Kelly Gang, cuja primeira publicação ocorreu em 2000, a reinterpretação de um período histórico e também de um personagem da época, que se tornou uma figura forte na cultura australiana. A tradução desta obra foi publicada no Brasil em 2002 com o título A história do bando de Kelly. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar os efeitos que o estabelecimento de uma colônia penal causou na cultura e na literatura australianas, e a utilização do texto literário - sobretudo esta obra de Carey - como espaço de debate sobre a identidade nacional e de questionamentos ou respostas à antiga metrópole. Para tanto, este trabalho traça, em primeiro lugar, um panorama da história da Austrália, até a época em que viveu Ned Kelly, um fora-dalei que se tornou herói popular e ícone nacional, e do desenvolvimento da literatura no país. Em segundo lugar, são analisados alguns aspectos deste romance, entre os quais a crítica ao sistema colonial britânico, a oposição centro-margem representada pelo conflito entre as autoridades e o bando de Kelly, e o uso da variante australiana do inglês. Desta forma, procuramos mostrar que, neste romance, parte da história da Austrália - em especial o período colonial e o sistema de degredo, cuja influência ainda se faz sentir nos dias de hoje - são problematizados e colocados em discussão. / Abstract: The Australian writer Peter Carey reinterprets, in his novel True History of the Kelly Gang, whose first publication took place in 2000, a historical period and also a character of that time who has become a strong figure in Australian culture. The translation of this book was published in Brazil in 2002, with the title A história do bando de Kelly. This Master's Degree Thesis has the objective of analyzing the effects that the settlement of a penal colony had on Australian culture and literature, and the use of literary texts - especially this work by Carey - as a space for debate on national identity and for questioning or striking back at the former centre. In order to do so, this work firstly presents a panorama of Australian history, up to the time Ned Kelly, an outlaw who became a popular hero and a national icon, lived, and a survey of the development of Australian literature. Then, some aspects of this novel are analyzed, such as the critique of the British colonial system, the opposition centre-margin represented by the conflict between the authorities and the Kelly gang, and the use of the Australian variant of English. Thus, it is possible to show that, in this novel, part of Australian history - particularly the colonial period and the transportation period, whose influence can still be felt nowadays - is questioned, discussed and reevaluated. / Mestre

This thesis undertakes a close analysis of the integration of the post-colonial society of Martinique into the French nation-state. In 2009, a social movement in Martinique temporarily raised nationalist demands but also sought closer integration into the French state. This thesis examines how this integration has been thwarted by the specific colonial legacies of Martinique and by the politics of departmentalisation of the French state. The departmentalisation of Martinique, which occurred in 1946, sought to decolonise Martinique. This dissertation argues that it is impossible to achieve the integration of Martinique into France without addressing the economic and social legacies of colonialism. The reason for this is because such legacies make it impossible to create national unity. The departmentalisation of Martinique was a republican nationalist project which aimed to culturally assimilate and politically homogenise Martinique into the French state. However, despite departmentalisation, economic and social inequalities stemming from the colonial past remain, and still divide that society. Moreover, despite the legacy of colonial discourse, the Martiniquans stand firmly against political independence. The numerous nationalist and pro-independence parties that attempt to define and promote Martiniquan cultural identities fail to rally the population around the idea of independence. The very existence of these parties implies, on the other hand, that both cultural and republican nationalism failed to create and sustain a metadiscourse of community within the island. However, the 2009 movement was a golden site for observing and instigating social change because the protesters demonstrated and voiced a strong sense of collective identity and solidarity. The protesters contested both the failure of departmentalisation and the resilience of colonial discourses. Throughout the movement, the protesters challenged both the legitimacy of the French government and the influence of the Martiniquan nationalist parties on the protests. I argue that the protests created a liminal space through which the protesters voiced their individual and distinct personal histories and narratives. Such protests created an open space which allowed the protesters to individually address the resilience of colonial discourses and to contest its impacts on their lives, and on the Martiniquan society. I also argue that this liminal space was an integrative space, and the ultimate “rhetorical glue” that unified the protesters. This liminal space was exceptional in this sense, since the existing nationalist discourses and projects which have been implemented in Martinique tend to emphasise social divisions in the island. Indeed, assimilation does not allow the expressions of such cultural distinctiveness outside the French republican ideals. In addition, local nationalist parties attempting to build national unity through cultural discourse struggle to define the ambivalence and the ever-changing characteristics of post-colonial/hybrid Martiniquan identity. The findings could be useful to the formulation of Martiniquan political identity, and to the configuration of French integrative policies. I conclude that such policies would be effective if they tackled the lasting impact of colonial discourse in both Martinique and France.

This dissertation surveys the legal and ethical implications of the journey of artworks from Africa to Europe and the United States, beginning with events of the nineteenth century and continuing to the present. It addresses the laws regarding works of art from undeveloped countries, with focus on sub-Saharan Africa. The laws offer insight into what cultural value has been assigned to African art, and the changing laws and ethical norms reflect how African art has been perceived at different times. This work also discusses to what extent the unique aspects of African art should affect laws protecting the cultural property of sub-Saharan African countries. The dissertation focuses especially on Nigeria, the home of the Kingdom of Benin. It also addresses the legal issues of art from Mali, Cameroon, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It shows when, where, and how the legal issues for sub-Saharan art are similar to, or different from, the legal issues for other regions. Three spheres of academic endeavor were pursued in producing this work: African art history, ethics, and legal studies. From the combination of these areas emerges a narrative with a broad variety of events and people. Although the story is told chronologically, it is based on a set of legal and ethical issues. The common issues fall into four categories: plunder and illegal import/export; ethical collection and display; authenticity and forgery; and ownership and copyright. African artworks found their way to the West in the nineteenth century. There they were considered "savage fetishes" and put in ethnographic museums. In the twentieth century, Western artists such as Picasso were inspired by the aesthetics of African art, and private collectors began acquiring it. Now the world's major art museums display African art. Since World War II, important international conferences have established an increasing level of protection for cultural property, and thus for African art. International conventions have not prevented illicit art traffic, however. The story of the Afo-A-Kom's return to Cameroon in 1975 illustrates the diverging interests of collectors, museums, the public, and the source country. Forgery has been an increasing problem for African art throughout the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century, fed by the high prices that authentic works receive in auction and at galleries. In 1991, for example, Sotheby's sold a forged terra-cotta ram from Mali for more than a quarter of a million dollars. Today's attitudes and laws concerning African art reflect a complex interplay of historical events and legal changes over time. From the nineteenth century to current times, some progress has been made. Key issues remain from colonial times, however. Despite a growing body of international and national legislation to protect cultural property, African art is still seen by some as a commodity that can be stolen, illegally exported and imported, forged, destroyed or censored.

This dissertation addresses one of the reasons for the lack of confidence in public health in Southern Africa. It examines the impact of intrusive colonial public health measures and colonial attempts to suppress indigenous healing practices in the Manica region. The dissertation asks whether invasive colonial public health interventions had unintended consequences, such as the continued existence of traditional medicine and the reluctance to accept biomedical arguments on the epidemiology of infectious and communicable diseases. While these intrusive colonial public health measures were constant and pervasive, they were not always effective, partly due to the border that colonialism created. The epidemiology of the Manica region is fundamentally affected by cross-border movements, which not only spread infections, but altered disease ecologies, complicating disease control efforts. Colonial efforts to monitor movements led to the disruption of life and caused much hardship to villagers and townsfolk. Reflecting the dynamism of African societies, this dissertation argues that while Africans tended to dislike intrusive and discriminatory preventative public health policies, they were willing to experiment with new ideas, particularly treatment services. They were discouraged, however, by the failure of colonial governments to provide adequate treatment-based services for Africans, proving that the provision of health services for Africans was driven by European settler fears of infection and economic imperatives rather than the concern for Africans. However, most of these settler fears stemmed from misunderstandings of epidemiology, and were often grossly exaggerated and racist. Regardless of whether these theories were accurate or not, they still caused hardship. Although this project looks at the history of public health before the HIV/AIDS pandemic in Southern Africa, the legacy of colonial public health policies affects how people in Southern Africa comprehend this disease. Through the use of archival materials and oral histories, this dissertation concludes that the current reluctance to embrace biomedicine is connected to social memory and perceptions of the state, and its legitimacy. Had resentment of colonial public health not played a role, biomedicine would have been more readily integrated as an additional option into a repertoire of alternative therapies in Southern Africa.

Portant sur six adaptations hollywoodiennes de récits de Rider Haggard, Kipling, Conrad et Greene, ce travail analyse la manière dont le cinéma américain retravaille divers aspects des supports littéraires à des fins esthétiques [attention aux détails exotiques, remaniements narratifs, jeu des acteurs, couleurs, décors] et idéologiques [réflexion sur l’impérialisme colonial]. En confrontant les films et les récits qui les précèdent, il s’agit d’examiner la manière dont le cinéma prend appui sur la littérature pour tisser un réseau où transparaît le regard que Hollywood porte sur la tentation impérialiste américaine. / The study focuses on six adaptations of narratives by Rider Haggard, Kipling, Conrad and Greene. It addresses the way Hollywood worked over several aspects of the literary works for aesthetic [attention to exotic details, reshaping of narratives, acting, colours, setting] as well as ideological purposes [a reflection on colonial imperialism]. Comparing the films with their literary antecedents, the study analyses the manner cinema is backed by literature to weave a network of signs which reveal Hollywood’s approach to American imperialist temptation.

This project attempts a joint reading of the work of Friedrich Nietzsche and Frantz Fanon. This task, however, is problematic because this body of work is in tension or contradictory. These problems are so acute that a careful reading method is necessary to successfully carry out this reading. In order to facilitate this reading I elaborate and apply a particular philosophical methodology, Mestizaje. The methodology is intended to address works that are contradictory by attempting to read the texts as they are presented while at the same time balancing their positions. The goal is to honestly reflect the thought of each thinker and to illuminate a perspective that incorporates but transcends their respective positions. What the application of Methodological Mestizaje finds is that while Nietzsche and Fanon stand in tension to one another, their respective works share several interesting and important convergences. In particular, they share thoughts on ressentiment, morality and violence. With ressentiment, Nietzsche creates the concept and two manifestations of it, while Fanon works with the concept to develop a third manifestation of this form of moral valuation. Furthermore, their works share the view that morality and violence are fundamental to understanding the origin, development and possible overcoming of a morality. This work contributes to the area of Africana Studies by offering a picture of Nietzsche that addresses concerns of these areas of study. Additionally, Methodological Mestizaje intends to follow in the tradition of non-ideal theory. Finally, while each thinker contributes to the discussion of ressentiment, morality and violence, their positions taken together reveal a broad and thorough perspective on colonialism and its concomitant morality, including their inception, and consequent progression and persistence in the current world.

The British Indian Army, formed from the old presidency armies of the East India Company in 1895, was one of the pillars upon which Britain’s world empire rested. While much has been written on the colonial and global campaigns fought by the Indian Army as a tool of imperial power, comparatively little has been written about the transition of the army from British to Indian control after the end of the Second World War. While independence meant the transition of the force from imperial rule to that of civilian oversight by India’s new national leadership, the Dominion of India inherited thousands of former colonial soldiers, including two generations of British and Indian officers indoctrinated in military and cultural practices developed in the United Kingdom, in colonial India and across the British Empire. The goal of this paper is to examine the legacy of the British Empire on the narrative, ethos, culture, tactics and strategies employed by the Indian Army after 1945, when the army began to transition from British to Indian rule, up to 1973 when the government of India reinstituted the imperial rank of Field Marshal. While other former imperial officers would continue to serve in the army up to the end of the 20th century, the first thirty years after independence were a formative period in the history of the Indian Army, that saw it fight four major wars and see the final departure of white British officers from its ranks. While it became during this time a truly national army, the years after independence were one in which its legacy as an arm of imperial power was debated, and eventually transformed into a key component of military identity in the post-colonial era.

This dissertation analyzes the representation of sugar plantation societies in nineteenth and twentieth century Puerto Rican literature. Using an interdisciplinary approach, I study the socio-historical, political, and economic development of the sugarcane industry in Puerto Rico as represented in the literary works of Manuel Zeno Gandía, Enrique A. Laguerre, René Marqués, and Rosario Ferré. Scholars have tended to examine their works separately; however, I study how these writers from different literary generations develop a cohesive literary project, reshuffling the periodization of Puerto Rican literature by their focus on the sugar industry. Consequently, the literary works intersect with each other to provide a complete picture of the evolution and decline of the sugar plantation and its effects on the social imaginary of Puerto Rico. I use this term to mean both social practices of Puerto Rican society as well as its class stratification and political struggles. My theoretical approach is based on Antonio Benítez Rojo, "The Repeating Island: The Caribbean and the Postmodern Perspective" (1992), where the sugar plantation is defined as the principal unifying entity across the Caribbean, repeated continuously through time and space. I also rely on socio-historiographical approaches developed by Ramiro Guerra, Francisco Scarano, and Ángel Quintero Rivera, whose analyses of the sugar cane industry in the Caribbean shed light on class conflicts, primarily between the sugar oligarchy and factory workers. This dissertation suggests a homology between the socioeconomic structure of the sugar plantation and the Puerto Rican literary canon. I conclude that Puerto Rican writers have recoded the imaginary of the plantation in response to political events and economic shifts within the sugar industry. While Manuel Zeno Gandía and René Marqués promote and redefine its value system, other writers, such as Enrique A. Laguerre and Rosario Ferré, have transgressed the hacienda system to articulate the voice of those communities marginalized by the sugar plantation.