Este trabalho tem por objeto o estudo das relações entre a masculinidade e o poder, por meio da análise do discurso amoroso. Baseados em teóricos de História da Cultura como Foucault e de teóricos dos estudos de gênero como Judith Butler e Connell, tentamos examinar o conceito de gênero, de masculinidade e a produção de violência a partir dar relações de gênero. Tentamos demonstrar como o colonialismo atuou nos territórios africanos de língua portuguesa contribuindo para a produção de hegemonia e subalternidade nas relações entre masculinidades e como o protagonista de João Vêncio: os seus amores, de Luandino Vieira, se afigura como um contramodelo à hegemonia, produzindo violência de gênero, mas também encerrando possibilidades de subversão dentro da ordem de gênero. / This work aims at the study of the relations between masculinity and power, through the analysis of the amorous discourse. Based on cultural history theorists such as Foucault and gender studies theorists such as Judith Butler and Connell, we have attempted to examine the concept of gender, masculinity and the production of violence from gender relations. We try to demonstrate how colonialism acted in the Portuguese-speaking African territories contributing to the production of hegemony and subalternity in the relations between masculinities and how the protagonist of João Vêncio: os seus amores, by Luandino Vieira, seems like a countermodel to hegemony, producing violence of gender, but also opening up possibilities of subversion within the gender order.

Na África francófona muitos intelectuais usaram a literatura e o cinema como veículos de exaltação aos valores culturais da terra, de transformação social e política. O escritor e cineasta Sembène Ousmane pode ser considerado um destes intelectuais, uma vez que por meio de uma vasta produção literária e cinematográfica abordou temas recorrentes à sociedade na qual pertencia, fazendo dessas duas artes importantes aliadas no seu percurso de militante. A presente pesquisa visa estudar de que maneira a novela e o filme homônimo La noire de... exprimiram a visão do escritor e cineasta sobre de identidade cultural do Senegal. Para tanto, discutiremos o projeto literário e cinematográfico de Sembène, levando em consideração o contexto político do Senegal e da França. Além disso, discutiremos também o conceito de pós-colonialismo, por entender que esse campo teórico é imperativo para se pensar a identidade cultural senegalesa. / In Francofone Africa lots of intellectuals used literature and film-making as means of exaltation to the lands cultural values, social and political transformation. The writer and film-maker Sembène Ousmane can be considered one of these intellectuals, once through a vast literary and film production brought current issues about the society he belonged to, allying these two important pieces of art in his millitant path. The present research aims to study in which way the novel and the eponymous film La noire de... expressed the vision of this writer and director about the cultural identity of Senegal. Therefore, the literary and film Project of Sembène will be discussed, taking into consideration the political context of Senegal and France. Furthermore, we will also discuss the post-colonialism concept, for understanding that this theoretical field is highly importante to think about the Senegalese cultural identity.

As crianças são as verdadeiras anarquistas”? Que peso tem uma “verdade” sobre as crianças? Para ilustrar essa dissertação, questionamos uma “verdade” pichada em um muro. Porque as verdades sobre as crianças estão em todos os lugares, nós, adultos, as escrevemos, as pichamos, as pintamos em todos os lugares. Essas “verdades” estão em livros, em manuais de científicos, em enciclopédias pediátricas, nos currículos e até nas representações artísticas sobre as crianças e sobre as infâncias. Fundamentada nas concepções decolonialistas sobre a infância e as crianças, esta dissertação faz um resgate teórico do pós-colonialismo e da decolonialidade latino-americana, em especial, das produções acerca dos Estudos da Infância e educação das crianças pequenas. Problematizando também uma discussão metodológica a partir das contribuições anarquistas. Apresento possibilidades e limites para discutir (outras) infâncias pelo anarquismo, pela América Latina, pelos territórios (de)colonizados, pela desescolarização, em consonância com os estudos pós-coloniais e decoloniais. / “Are children the real anarchists?” What weight has a "truth" on children? To illustrate this dissertation, we question a "truth" graffitied in a wall. Because truths about children are everywhere, we, adults, write them, graffiti them, paint them everywhere. These "truths" are in books, in scientific manuals, in pediatric encyclopedias, in curriculum, and even in artistic representations about children and childhood. Based on decolonialist conceptions about childhood and children, this dissertation makes a theoretical rescue from postcolonialism and Latin American decoloniality, especially from the contributions on Childhood Studies and early childhood education. Also problematizing a methodological discussion from the anarchist contributions. I present possibilities and limits to discuss (other) childhoods through anarchism, Latin America, colonized territories, unschooling, in line with postcolonial and decolonial studies.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T11:21:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AMELIA CARDOSO DE ALMEIDA.pdf: 1114741 bytes, checksum: 827432337aaa9ee0fbfa21870597c895 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-20 / This work aims investigate some trainers elements of a peculiar identity project of the Spanish-American, present in the Cuban José Julián Martí y Perez (1853-1895), great intellectual and also political leader of the nineteenth century, to identify echoes present in Martí concepts that dialogue with the area of post-colonial studies. The assumptions of Martí identity project were linked mainly in their quest for political independence of Cuba, his homeland, and also for cultural emancipation of which he called Nuestra America , to the detriment of imported cultural practices in Europe or the United States . Martí such assumptions are also present in the reviews made by postcolonial theorysts, especially with the cultural imitation of Latin American post- colonialism, but mostly post- colonial theory of Indian mother, especially the concepts developed by the Indian theorist Homi K. Bhabha. / Esta dissertação objetiva investigar alguns elementos formadores de um projeto de identidade peculiar à América hispânica presentes na obra do cubano José Julián Martí y Pérez (1853- 1895), intelectual e líder político do século XIX, para identificar ecos ou cotejamentos de seus ideais que dialogam com a área dos Estudos Pós-Coloniais. Os pressupostos do projeto identitário martiano se pautaram principalmente pela independência política de Cuba, sua pátria, e pela emancipação cultural da por ele denominada Nuestra América , em detrimento de práticas culturais importadas da Europa ou dos Estados Unidos. Tais pressupostos também estão presentes nas críticas feitas pelos teóricos pós-coloniais, principalmente a imitação cultural, tanto na vertente do pós-colonialismo latino-americano, mas, principalmente, na matriz indiana, nos conceitos desenvolvidos pelo teórico indiano Homí. K. Bhabha.

Eugênio Tavares (1867-1930) foi, na sua época, uma personalidade influente no cenário cultural e político caboverdiano, atuando como poeta bilíngüe e jornalista engajado, embora tenha se notabilizado apenas pela sua produção poética em crioulo (mornas). A sua poesia em língua portuguesa dispersa em periódicos e revistas ficou por muito tempo esquecida, vindo a público somente nos anos oitenta, através de uma pesquisa empreendida por Félix Monteiro, da qual um importante corpus foi publicado na revista Raízes nº 17/20. Pretendemos neste trabalho traçar o roteiro biográfico do autor e fazer uma apresentação e leitura de sua poesia em língua portuguesa, ressaltando a sua militância política e a importância dessa obra no panorama literário caboverdiano desse período, como também refletir sobre a relação entre manifestações literárias e o meio social, tendo em vista as convenções estético-formais vigentes no contexto colonial finissecular e suas relações intertextuais com a obra de Eugênio Tavares. / Eugênio Tavares (1867-1930) was an influential personality in the political and cultural Cape verdean scenarium. He was a bilingual poet and he was also an engaged journalist, although he had been distinguished only by his poetic production in creole (mornas). His poetry in portuguese language, scattered in journals and magazines, has been forgotten for a long time. It appear only in the 80th, through a undertaken research by Félix Monteiro, who published an important corpus in the Raízes review nº17/20. In this work, we intent is to draw the authors biographic route and to make a presentation and reading his poetry in portuguese language, pointing out his political militancy, the importance of the his words in the Cape verdean literary panorama, besides to reflect about the relationchip between literary manifestation and social environment, having in view the esthetic-formal conventions in the fin-de-siecle colonial context and their intertextual relations to the Eugênio Tavares words.

The acquisition of the Indian land by the Cherokee Commission between 1890 to 1892 was a series of events that changed the future of many indian nations and parts of american history. In the midst of these great changes, Kiowa interpreter for the Cherokee commission: Joshua H Given, ended up in a controversial position. He was accused of having deliberately cheated and mislead the Indians to get them to sign the agreements to allot their land to the goverment. This led to several attempts by the Indian tribes to annul the agreements with the commission and the condemnation of Joshua Given by many Kiowas. This essay is an attempt to clarify parts of Joshua H Givens life, actions and death through a source-critical analysis of the sources used in the research of Joshua Given. The views of two historians, C. Blue Clark and William T. Hagan, is used to contrast and compare the actions and life of Given to get a fuller view of the complicity of this individual. Hagans views is more focused on the image of a trying mediator, while Clark focuses on the images of a deceiving interpreter, By the work and theories of Nancy L. Hagedorn and Margaret Connell Szasz on the cultural broker as an cultural intermediate, Givens complexe relation to the clashing cultures and tradition of his own Kiowa nation and his newly learned western and Christian culture can be undersood as a failiure to gain the extremely important trust required for such mediation between the parties.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:19:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alessandro Ferreira da Silva.pdf: 863134 bytes, checksum: e1f79bbd21d466df98b7e96d5f01c195 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-15 / This dissertation is about the history of black and non-black Africans who are in São Paulo and lived through the process of impendence in their original countries. These people carry in their living important memories about this period of African history, as well as ancient cultural practices, which are present in the many black-African cultures. These are presented in the many personal narratives and bring some light to rituals such as the cult of the ancestors, the existence of large kin and rites of passage, as discussed by Leite (2008). Likewise, the use of memory-based narratives is theoretically based on the works by Halbwachs (2004), Bosi (1999) and Pollak (1989, 1992) who argue that memory is a rich source of data, as legitimate as writing. Here, I analyse these "African voices" aiming at contributing to deconstruction of an Africa that was invented through centuries of stereotypes created to justify the exploitation made upon her territory, people and the Diaspora, which were determinants to the establishment of racism against the black people and their impoverishment. Throughout my research, I perceived the existence of some room for privileges in some colonies as Mozambique and Angola, those characterised by the absence of black population. One of the most important outcomes of this research is the fact that the collapse of the colonial world left deep scars in the memory of my interviewees. Such scars may be credited to the social space each of them occupied in this colonial world. If, on one hand the end of the colonial world brought sadness and a feeling of loss, on the other, it brought, for many others, the hope of changes / Esta dissertação versa sobre a História de Vida de africanos negros e não negros residentes em São Paulo que vivenciaram o processo de Independência ou pós-independência de seus países. Pessoas que trazem na memória vivências reveladoras de aspectos importantes da história africana no período mencionado, bem como práticas ancestrais presentes nas várias culturas negro-africanas e percebidas nos relatos que revelam, entre outros, o culto aos ancestrais, a existência da família extensa e os ritos de iniciação, fundamentados teoricamente por Leite (2008). Nesse sentido, o uso das narrativas construídas com base na memória tem como embasamento teórico os trabalhos de Halbwachs (2004), Bosi (1999) e Pollack (1989, 1992) que apontam ser a memória uma seiva social riquíssima e tão legítima quanto a escrita. Analiso essas vozes africanas com o intuito de contribuir com a desconstrução de uma África inventada ao longo de séculos de estereotipias criadas para justificar a exploração praticada sobre o território, seu povo e os filhos da diáspora, e que foram determinantes para a construção do racismo contra o negro e o seu empobrecimento material. Ao longo da pesquisa foi observada a existência de espaços de privilégios nas colônias de Moçambique e Angola, sendo esses marcados pela ausência da população negra, destinada ao espaço indígena, como eram chamados pejorativamente. Têm-se como uma das principais observações feitas, ao término do trabalho, o fato de que o desmoronamento do mundo colonial deixara marcas profundas na memória dos entrevistados, determinadas pelo espaço que cada um ocupava no mundo colonial. E esse acontecimento, se por um lado representou tristeza e sentimento de perda para uns, em contrapartida trouxe esperança de mudanças para outros

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:52:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alessandro Ferreira da Silva.pdf: 863134 bytes, checksum: e1f79bbd21d466df98b7e96d5f01c195 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-15 / This dissertation is about the history of black and non-black Africans who are in São Paulo and lived through the process of impendence in their original countries. These people carry in their living important memories about this period of African history, as well as ancient cultural practices, which are present in the many black-African cultures. These are presented in the many personal narratives and bring some light to rituals such as the cult of the ancestors, the existence of large kin and rites of passage, as discussed by Leite (2008). Likewise, the use of memory-based narratives is theoretically based on the works by Halbwachs (2004), Bosi (1999) and Pollak (1989, 1992) who argue that memory is a rich source of data, as legitimate as writing. Here, I analyse these "African voices" aiming at contributing to deconstruction of an Africa that was invented through centuries of stereotypes created to justify the exploitation made upon her territory, people and the Diaspora, which were determinants to the establishment of racism against the black people and their impoverishment. Throughout my research, I perceived the existence of some room for privileges in some colonies as Mozambique and Angola, those characterised by the absence of black population. One of the most important outcomes of this research is the fact that the collapse of the colonial world left deep scars in the memory of my interviewees. Such scars may be credited to the social space each of them occupied in this colonial world. If, on one hand the end of the colonial world brought sadness and a feeling of loss, on the other, it brought, for many others, the hope of changes / Esta dissertação versa sobre a História de Vida de africanos negros e não negros residentes em São Paulo que vivenciaram o processo de Independência ou pós-independência de seus países. Pessoas que trazem na memória vivências reveladoras de aspectos importantes da história africana no período mencionado, bem como práticas ancestrais presentes nas várias culturas negro-africanas e percebidas nos relatos que revelam, entre outros, o culto aos ancestrais, a existência da família extensa e os ritos de iniciação, fundamentados teoricamente por Leite (2008). Nesse sentido, o uso das narrativas construídas com base na memória tem como embasamento teórico os trabalhos de Halbwachs (2004), Bosi (1999) e Pollack (1989, 1992) que apontam ser a memória uma seiva social riquíssima e tão legítima quanto a escrita. Analiso essas vozes africanas com o intuito de contribuir com a desconstrução de uma África inventada ao longo de séculos de estereotipias criadas para justificar a exploração praticada sobre o território, seu povo e os filhos da diáspora, e que foram determinantes para a construção do racismo contra o negro e o seu empobrecimento material. Ao longo da pesquisa foi observada a existência de espaços de privilégios nas colônias de Moçambique e Angola, sendo esses marcados pela ausência da população negra, destinada ao espaço indígena, como eram chamados pejorativamente. Têm-se como uma das principais observações feitas, ao término do trabalho, o fato de que o desmoronamento do mundo colonial deixara marcas profundas na memória dos entrevistados, determinadas pelo espaço que cada um ocupava no mundo colonial. E esse acontecimento, se por um lado representou tristeza e sentimento de perda para uns, em contrapartida trouxe esperança de mudanças para outros

Canadian public life is currently informed by what can be broadly considered an era of reconciliation. While definitions abound, the aim of reconciliation is just relations between Canada and Indigenous nations. Efforts on the parts of federal and provincial governments to apologize and atone for the discriminatory treatment of racialized immigrant groups has also been characterized under the broad banner of reconciliatory politics. While official positions indicate that there is to be a role for schooling in reconciliation efforts, what this means – both in terms of remedies and the nature of the problem they aim to address – remains unclear. At the same time, a new curriculum in British Columbia has been said to contribute toward reconciliation. This dissertation engages contemporary discussion about reconciliation in Canada through a critical examination of the most recent B.C. curriculum, 2015-2018, and asks how dominant national values are making space, or not, for robust and meaningful inclusions of previously marginalized and excluded histories and perspectives. Specifically, in this dissertation I am interested in how the production of national values and priorities in curricula are accommodating of the goals of reconciliation, and revealing of its limits. To do this I compare the national values present in this most recent curriculum to those reported to be present during the late 18th and early 19th centuries in secondary historical literature. Employing a settler colonial theoretical perspective, I assess the ways in which the values produced in the new curriculum continue to center the nation-state and dominant culture values. While nation states like Canada tout progressive mechanisms, such as multicultural policies and multicultural education, to reconcile challenges to state authority, such mechanisms employ and enforce cultural terms that are compatible with Canadian multiculturalism, without attending to less congruent aspects of Indigenous-Canadian relations, like those of land and resources. My findings indicate that while progressive curricular inclusions contribute to increased plurality in educational spaces, there are limits to their efficacy. This is the case primarily because these inclusions are produced through and operate within liberal frameworks that re-center the Canadian nation state. This dissertation contributes to literature that examines the condition of settler colonialism in educational settings in countries like Canada. My conclusions suggest that the efficacy of curricular inclusions that pursue reconciliation will be limited unless teacher education – both pre- and in-service – includes a critical self-analysis of settler colonial privilege and conditionality, and the nation state. / Graduate

La thèse montre les résultats du projet de recherche doctorale intitulé « Colonialisme, conflit armé et luttes pour la mémoire. Une étude anthropologique de la région du Magdalena Medio, Colombie, Amérique du Sud ». Le projet fut réalisé dans le Laboratoire d’Anthropologie Sociale LAS – Collège de France et l’École Doctorale en Anthropologie Sociale et Ethnologie (ED286) de l’École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales de Paris EHESS, sous la direction de Mme. Tassadit Yacine-Titouh. La région du Magdalena Medio s’étend sur le bassin moyen du fleuve Magdalena, une vaste vallée entre la Cordillère oriental et la Cordillère central, deux chaînes de montagnes des Andes Septentrionales en Colombie (Amérique du Sud). Jusqu'à récemment, la région du Magdalena Medio fut une frontière intérieure d’une apparence sauvage, qui hébergeait les survivants des anciens peuples indigènes de filiation Karib ou Caraïbe ainsi que certains vieux hameaux et villages d’origine espagnole appauvries. La région était une enclave par l’absence de moyens de communication, un refuge fréquente des groupes séditieux, dissidents ou insurgés et un territoire ouvert tant pour la colonisation des paysans pauvres que pour l’acquisition de terrains de la part des grandes entreprises commerciales. De la même manière, cette région était historiquement connue pour abriter quelques unes de plus grandes richesses du pays: les principales mines de l’or et d’émeraudes, les exploitations forestières comme la quinquina, les cultures tropicales comme la canne à sucre, le tabac, l’indigo, le café et le palmier à huile, l’élevage de bétail dans les plaines, les industries du gaz et pétrole et, plus récemment, les cultures de coca et de pavot. La coexistence de marginalité et richesse fut déterminant pour que la région du Magdalena Medio ait été l’épicentre de la violence colombienne au cours du dernier siècle : la violence des partis politiques libéral et conservateur depuis les années 1930, la violence des bandes des bandits (ou bandoleros) depuis les années 1950, la violence associée à l’apparition des guérillas de gauche depuis les années 1960, la violence déclenchée par les groupes de justice privée depuis les années 1970 et la violence provoquée par les paramilitaires depuis les années 1980. Dans le contexte de ces violences furent commis certains des crimes le plus horribles de la longue histoire de la violence colombienne. Cette recherche doctorale eut pour objectif principal de clarifier quel rôle joua la culture de chaque province de la région du Magdalena Medio dans la production et la reproduction d’une violence de caractères « quasi » endémiques et ses implications en la construction d’une mémoire régionale. / The thesis exposes the results of the project titled “Colonialism, armed conflict and the disputes for memory. An anthropological study of Magdalena Medio, Colombia (South America)”. The project was made from Laboratory of Social Anthropology – Collège de France and Doctoral School of Anthropology [ED286] at The School of Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences (EHESS in French) under the direction of Tassadit Yacine-Titouh. The region of Magdalena Medio is located on middle basin of Magdalena River, a wide valley between the Cordillera Oriental and Cordillera Central, two mountain ranges of the Northern Andes in Colombia (South America). Until a few decades ago, the region of Magdalena Medio was an interior border, with wild appearance, which was the lodging the last survivors of the indigenous peoples Caribes or Karibs and the jurisdiction of ancient villages and towns of Spanish origin (16th-17th centuries) and new settlements arose from recent colonization (19th-20th centuries). The region was an enclave due to the absence of roads and highways, a frequent refuge of seditious, dissident and rebel groups, and an open territory for both peasant colonization and the occupation of big capitalist companies. The region is also historically known for having the most important national wealth: the mines of gold and emeralds, the forest exploitation as the quinine, the tropical agriculture of sugarcane, tobacco, indigo, coffee and oil palm, the livestock farming on the plains, the gas and petrol industries and, more recently, the coca and poppy cultivations. The coexistence of wealth and poverty turned the Magdalena Medio in one of the nation’s most violent regions. The region of Magdalena Medio was the epicenter of violence between political parties since the 1930’s, the violence of bandits or bandoleros since the 1950’s, the violence of leftist guerillas since the 1960’s, the violence of private justice groups since the 1970’s and the violence of paramilitary forces since the 1980’s. In these contexts were perpetrated some of the most shameful facts of the Colombian history. The project tried to clarify the role of culture in each province in the production and reproduction of a violence of “quasi” endemic character and their implications en the construction of an regional memory.