Thesis (doctoral)--Freie Universität, Berlin, 1999/2000. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 361-384) and index.

abstract: In contemporary Indian literature, the question over which sets of Indian identities are granted access to power is highly contested. Critics such as Kathleen Waller and Sara Schotland align power with the identity of the autonomous individual, whose rights and freedoms are supposedly protected by the state, while others like David Ludden and Sandria Freitag place power with those who become a part of group identities, either on the national or communal level. The work of contemporary Indian author Aravind Adiga attempts to address this question. While Adiga's first novel The White Tiger applies the themes and ideology of the worth of the individual from African American novelists Ralph Ellison, Richard Wright, and James Baldwin, Adiga's latest novel, Last Man in Tower, shifts towards a study of the consequences of colonialism, national identity, and the place of the individual within India in order to reveal a changing landscape of power and identity. Through a discussion of Adiga's collective writings, postcolonial theory, American literature, South Asian crime novels, contemporary Indian popular fiction, and some of the challenges facing Mumbai, I track Adiga's shifts and moments of growth between his two novels and evaluate Adiga's ultimate message about who holds power in Indian society: the individual or the community. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. English 2013

This research examines the relation of scalar arrangements of the statist political orders and the formation of the condition of exile, exemplified in the case of the Kurdish statelessness through a critical reading of Abdullah Öcalan's theory of democratic confederalism. This reading, I will argue, permits understanding the scalar implications of what I call the tyranny of the present of the state. The tyranny of the present refers to the tendency of statist formations to expand the domination of their metaphysical presence through attempting to turn their present into the future of those who are considered less developed and aiming to prevent the perception of any unpredictable future that might interrupt their presence. This temporal hegemony is imposed through a centralized and hierarchical scalar order that determines quantitative multiplication of the diversity of human societies and the order of authority of the structure that brings them together as a whole. Together the scalar-temporal arrangement of the structure implies the ways through which the presence of the state determines the condition of the impossibility of the presence of the stateless and the exclusion of the stateless determines the condition of the possibility of the presence of the state. I will argue that this is the desire to leave the aporetic condition of the state/statelessness binary that leads Öcalan to aim for the destruction of the state and the construction of a communalist structure that permits the non-exclusive existence of time’s pure being in itself. However, his solution, similar to the communalist approaches by whom he is influenced, is limited by his ignorance of the paradoxicality of the creation of communalism externally and the destruction of the state internally and by his underestimation of the state-generating forces of the of rules of securitization in the international system that is not based on communal values. / Graduate

Technology has several advantages, but the growing fear is that the power of human beings over nature through technology is growing in an alarming rate so that, if not checked with a new ethics of responsibility, we may be heading to the destruction of nature and the annihilation of humanity. In response to this fear, Hans Jonas set a whole new debate into motion, both in Germany and America, when he argues (in his book entitled, The imperative of responsibility: In search of ethics for the technological age (1984) that the existing approaches to philosophical ethics, including theological ethics, are inadequate since they do not tackle the serious issues produced by the rapid expansion of modern technology. He then asserts that we must make a concerted effort to develop a theory of responsibility, so that humanity could be salvaged from future extinction. Whereas Jonas denies that religion could form the basis of a universal ethics of responsibility, Schweiker strives to prove him wrong by producing a Christian version of an ethics of responsibility from that of Jonas. Using Schweiker’s formulation of a Christian ethics of responsibility, this researcher aims at taking the debate to another level by engaging his Christian ethics of responsibility with African ethics to come out with an African Christian ethics of responsibility. The reason why we are formulating an African Christian ethics of responsibility is that if Africa is seen as the fastest growing Christian continent in the world, then formulating an African Christian ethics of responsibility is worthwhile since such an ethics addressing the negative impact of modern technology will be available and accessible to a substantial part of the world population. Although African and Christian in its point of departure, this ethics of responsibility claims to be universal in a normative sense of the word. It strives to provide moral guidance that should be heeded by everyone. This is because in our formulation, we will call Christians and non-Christians alike to emulate the altruistic love of Christ for the world as the core of an ethics of responsibility that is future-oriented. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Dogmatics and Christian Ethics / unrestricted

The aim of this paper is to investigate the Indian Hindu nationalist concept of “love jihad”, an idea based upon the alleged fact that Muslim men actively seeks out non-Muslim women for conversion to Islam by various methods including, false promises of love and abductions. While the accusation that Muslims are conducting love jihad currently is being propagated by several active Hindu nationalist groups, the focus of this paper lies on the Viśva Hindū Pariṣad (VHP) and the Rāṣṭrīya Svayaṃsevak Saṃgh (RSS), two major branches within the so-called family of Hindu nationalist organisations, or the Saṃgh Parivār. The material primarily con-sists of articles pertaining to love jihad, published in each organisation’s mouthpiece magazines. Utilising theories on Indian nationalism placed within a structure of analysing propaganda, based on the propaganda model of Garth S. Jowett and Victoria O'Donnell, this paper investigates the idea of love jihad in relation to the VHP and RSS constructs of Indian identities.

How does state capacity affect the state's ability to intervene in events of communal violence? Communal violence is conflict that occurs between two non-state groups that share a communal identity. The state controls the monopoly on the use of force, so it should be expected that the state will control these violent events. Research on intervention has shown that a state's military is an important indication of their ability to intervene. The study of other elements of state capacity such as the bureaucracy and political institutions have been largely ignored as factors to explain intervention. This paper builds on these elements of state capacity to argue that intervention can be explained by the state's military, bureaucracy, and the institutions that are in place. This argument has support from an empirical analysis conducted through replication data in Sub-Saharan Africa from 1989 to 2010.

A partir de l'ethnographie d'une secte minoritaire de l'islam indien, les ismaéliens daoudi bohras, cette thèse explore les processus menant à la construction identitaire en tant que communauté religieuse distincte. Les daoudi bohras, dont une large majorité vit entre Mumbai, le Gujarat et le Sind, forment à la fois une caste commerçante et une secte ismaélienne chiite avec ses propres rites. Dès l'époque coloniale, et ce jusqu'à aujourd'hui, des conflits internes ont porté sur les modalités de l'autorité suprême, celle du guide religieux le d'ai et de l'organisation par laquelle il gouverne, la dawat. Cette thèse, à travers un travail monographique, explore les différents aspects d'un conflit qui a abouti au relatif échec des réformes religieuses demandées par une branche 'progressiste'. Une première partie historique revient sur la genèse de ce communautarisme durant la période coloniale puis dans le contexte de l'émergence des nationalismes religieux en Asie du sud. Une deuxième partie explore les composantes de l'identité communautaire. Quelle est la nature de la « dawat », l'institution religieuse représentative de l'ensemble des membres? La réorganisation de cette institution s'est opérée dans la concurrence avec d'autres organisations prosélytes (hindouisme militant, islam réformé, sécularisme ressenti). Progressivement, l'association fonctionnelle de la caste, dont l'objectif premier était de représenter les intérêts du réseau mercantile, s'est affirmée comme la résurgence d'un modèle de gouvernance idéal. Tandis que les relations politiques se teintent de clientélisme, la communauté est sacralisée autour de sa puissante institution centrale. / This thesis explores the processes which frame the identity construction as a distinctive Ismaili religious community. The research is based on a detailed ethnography study of this minority of Indian Muslims. The Dawoodi Bohras are largely settled in the region of Mumbai, Gujarat and Sind. They represent both a business caste as well as an Ismaili shia sect which nurtures its own rites. Since the colonial time, internal conflicts have confrontated the supreme authority and the “dawat” central organization. This thesis explores the various aspects of the conflict which have resulted in a relative failure of the religious reforms which were requested by a progressive branch of the community. The first part of the thesis examines the genesis of this communalism within the context of the emerging religious nationalisms in South Asia.The second part investigates the different aspects of the community identity. What is the nature of the “dawat”, the religious institution representing the dawoodi bohras? The reorganization of this institution occurred in the confrontation with the political environment (Hindutva, reformed Islam, secularism). The association of the mercantile caste, promoting the interests of the membres of the network, has gradually become sacralized and emerged like «  a religious ideal society ». While the political relations of the dawat are based on clientelism, the power of this central institution is sacralized within the community.

Depuis les années 2000, le secteur de la santé de la reproduction, longtemps délaissé par le gouvernement indien, semble constituer un sujet d’inquiétude, notamment dans le nord du pays. Les taux de mortalité encore élevés discréditent l’image de superpuissance que l’État indien aime afficher, le déséquilibre du sex-ratio continue de se creuser en dépit des mesures législatives en vigueur et, malgré une importante baisse du taux de fécondité, le pays doit faire face à une population de plus d’un milliard deux cent millions d’habitants. À partir d’un terrain ethnographique d’un an et demi dans un hôpital public et dans des bidonvilles de Jaipur où une ONG œuvrait pour l’institutionnalisation de la santé maternelle, cette étude analyse les réactions des femmes et de leur famille face aux techniques persuasives et au pouvoir discrétionnaire que le personnel hospitalier et les membres de l’ONG utilisent à leur égard. Elle montre également en quoi les programmes de santé, censés garantir l’accès aux soins, tendent paradoxalement à rendre les bénéficiaires les plus vulnérables davantage conscients des inégalités socio-économiques dans leur vie quotidienne et renforcent les stéréotypes existants. À travers l’expérience des femmes, la santé de la reproduction apparaît comme un domaine sensible où des tensions sociales (castes, classes) et religieuses s’expriment et se cristallisent. La prise en charge de la santé de la reproduction ne se réduit pas à la santé materno-infantile mais englobe les questions de discrimination à l’égard des petites filles, du faible pouvoir décisionnel des femmes et du recours limité à la contraception, enjeux cruciaux qui attisent les différences au sein de la société indienne, sous couvert de progrès et au nom de l’intérêt de la nation. / Since the 2000s, the Indian government’s long-neglected reproductive health sector has been a subject of growing concern, especially in the northern part of the country. Mortality rates remain high, calling India’s superpower image into question; the sex ratio imbalance keeps growing despite legislative measures to correct it; and, despite a significant dip in the fertility rate, the country now has a population of over one-billion-two-hundred-million inhabitants. Drawing on one-and-a-half years of ethnographic fieldwork in a public hospital and several slums in Jaipur, this study analyses the reactions of women and their families to the techniques of persuasion and decision-making power used by hospital staff and NGO workers who institutionalise maternal health. The study also shows how health programmes meant to secure universal access to care paradoxically reinforce existing stereotypes and tend to make vulnerable patients even more aware of socioeconomic inequalities in their daily lives. Through the lens of women’s experiences, reproductive health appears to be a sensitive node where religious and social tensions of caste and class get expressed and crystallised. Thus, reproductive health is not confined to maternal and child healthcare; it includes core issues of discrimination toward young girls, the limited decision-making power of women, and ambivalence about contraception among women. While often presented in the guise of progress and the national interest, the institutionalisation of reproductive health actually maintains social disparities within Indian society

La construction identitaire de l’adolescent est influencée par le contexte dans lequel il vit ; dans le cas de l’Ile Maurice, ce contexte est caractérisé par la présence officielle d’une catégorisation communautaire. Celle-ci amène les mauriciens à devoir se désigner comme membres de l’une des quatre communautés prescrites, ce qui devient problématique dans la construction identitaire, particulièrement pour les adolescents car ils sont dans une période déterminante dans leur développement. Nous avons voulu mesurer le degré d’influence du contexte multiculturel sur leur construction identitaire. Notre méthodologie nous a permis de constater la présence du communalisme dès le pré-test, et elle a été confirmée autant dans l’étude quantitative que qualitative. Nous avons pu mettre en évidence qu’un communalisme exacerbé conduit à une forte identité sociale, et ceci, au détriment de l’identité personnelle. En effet, nos résultats indiquent que l’existence des communautés contribue à faire que les sujets préfèrent leur groupe d’appartenance et ont des stéréotypes négatifs à l’égard des autres communautés. De plus, nous avons trouvé que l’appartenance communautaire est liée à l’identité sociale, composée essentiellement de l’appartenance religieuse, l’apparence physique et la classe sociale. D’autre part, nous avons constaté chez nos sujets une opposition entre un vécu interculturel interne et une identité sociale prescrite. Nous concluons à une remise en cause de l’existence officielle des communautés à Maurice, basée sur les résultats de notre recherche et nous proposons plus d’ouverture vers une éducation interculturelle et vers une valorisation de l’identité personnelle. / The identity construction of the adolescent is influenced by his living context; in the case of Mauritius, this context is caracterised by the official presence of categorization of communities. This presence induces mauritians to have the obligation to identify themselves to one of the four prescribed communities, which leads to a problematic identity construction, particularly for adolescents as they are in a developmental period which is determinant. As from the study of mauritians reaching the end of adolescents, we have measured the degree of influence of the multicultural context on the identity construction. Our methodology has allowed us to notice the presence of communalism as from the stage of pretest and it has been confirmed in the quantitative as well as the qualitative analysis. We have been able to prove that an overreacted communalism leads to a high social identity, leading in counterpart to less importance regarding the personal part of identity. In fact, our results indicate that the existence of communities contributes in making our participants prefer the community to which they belong and they have negative stereotypes towards other communities. In addition to this, we have found that belonging to a community is directly linked to social identity, which is essentially comprised of religious belonging, physical appearance and social class. Furthermore, we have noticed that our participants have an intercultural inner living which is opposed to the prescribed social identity. We arrive to the conclusion that the official existence of communities in Mauritius should be reviewed, based on the results of our research and we propose more implications in intercultural education and towards the promotion of personal identity

The purpose of this paper is to analyse how India’s Minister of Home Affairs, Amit Shah, constructs the image of minorities and refugees in articles, speeches, and on social media platforms. The analysis is performed with the method of qualitative content analysis within a theoretical framework of propaganda put against the backdrop of Hindu nationalism. The main analysis is divided into four categories, based upon Jowett and O'Donnell’s model of analysing propaganda, going into the themes of: context surrounding the speech; communalism; values; and target audience. This paper argues that Amit Shah’s speech in the upper house of the parliament of India, is a part of a larger Hindu nationalist campaign concerning questions of Indian identity that dates back to, at least, the early 20th century.