Despite its imprecision, social capital is a powerful tool for examining how and why particular forms of social interaction lead to the health and well-being of communities, organisations, and even businesses. Community cohesion as a policy prescription emerged in the UK, following the social disturbances in certain northern cities and towns in the summer of 2001. The official reports into these disturbances identified lack of social interaction between different ethnic groups as a principal cause. Furthermore, social housing was seen as a key factor that could be used to prevent future disturbances. Accordingly, this research focuses on how the assets and forms of social capital act as good predictors of community cohesion, in the context of the New Labour government¿s aim to use social housing to build cohesive communities. Unless otherwise specified, references to ¿the government¿ throughout this thesis apply to the New Labour administration that came to power in the UK on 2nd May 1997 and ended with the Coalition administration led by the Conservatives on 11th May 2010. This thesis makes use of the linearity between the goals of social capital and the policy aims of community cohesion to match forms of social capital to specific forms of social interaction, in six selected social housing schemes in Bradford. Bradford was one of the cities affected by the disturbances in 2001. Analysis of the forms of social interaction in the case study housing schemes shows that bridging and linking forms of social capital, which could lead to enduring cohesive communities, were mainly latent in the schemes. This suggests that the peaceful co-existence in the case study housing schemes today is, possibly, postponed social conflict in the long term.

The concept of community cohesion is the centrepiece of the policy that was formulated by the British government in response to the urban disturbances in northern English towns during 2001. A number of official reports identified lack of community cohesion as the critical factor. The central argument for community cohesion, the self-segregation thesis, was based on evidence from Bradford. The core idea, parallel lives, was first articulated in the Ouseley Report and incorporated into the Cantle Report and subsequent government reports into the 2001 disturbances. The Commission for Integration and Cohesion widened the concept of community cohesion, which encompassed faith and ethnic groups, to include income and generation, suggesting that the concept was more complex than earlier definitions allowed. However, the increasing concern with terrorism has meant that Muslims remain the focus of debates on cohesion, and a conflation of the community cohesion programme with the government's anti-terrorism strategy is evident in the policy literature. Samad's article is based on research carried out in Bradford to unearth and explore the factors that enhance or undermine community cohesion in those areas where there are established Muslim communities and, additionally, those in which Muslim migrants have recently arrived. It scrutinizes the debate on a number of issues: the difficulties in defining and implementing community cohesion policy, and the issues of segregation, social capital, transnationalism and belonging. This data-driven analysis takes the main areas of debate and tests them with evidence from Bradford. The research findings challenge some of the fundamental assumptions that have informed government policy by providing new evidence that throws light on central aspects of the debate. The need to reflect on these assumptions became more relevant after the English riots of 2011, centred in London, and the subsequent necessity to develop an effective strategy that engages with their root causes.

yes / The conference Participation and Community Cohesion in the North: making the connections was held two and a half years after the North of England experienced a summer of major social unrest.1 One delegate described these disturbances as `attempted suicide by a community ¿ a cry for help.¿ This is a controversial image of powerlessness and disenfranchisement, but it raises a question that goes to the heart of our reasons for holding this conference. Does the success of Community Cohesion depend on the ability of communities to nonviolently express their views on the issues that concern them? Does it depend on a belief in one¿s own power to effect change without violence? In other words does it depend on the extent to which people see a point in working together for goals they have set themselves?

Over the past 14 years, working independently and with other original thinkers, I have produced works that have on two fronts contributed to the evolving understanding of ethnic relations in contemporary Britain. The first is around social/community cohesion, media and representation as well as counter-terrorism policy as explored through the social sciences. The second domain covering the same themes is couched within the humanities, in particular, the production of literary fiction.

Despite its imprecision, social capital is a powerful tool for examining how and why particular forms of social interaction lead to the health and well-being of communities, organisations, and even businesses. Community cohesion as a policy prescription emerged in the UK, following the social disturbances in certain northern cities and towns in the summer of 2001. The official reports into these disturbances identified lack of social interaction between different ethnic groups as a principal cause. Furthermore, social housing was seen as a key factor that could be used to prevent future disturbances. Accordingly, this research focuses on how the assets and forms of social capital act as good predictors of community cohesion, in the context of the New Labour government's aim to use social housing to build cohesive communities. Unless otherwise specified, references to 'the government' throughout this thesis apply to the New Labour administration that came to power in the UK on 2nd May 1997 and ended with the Coalition administration led by the Conservatives on 11th May 2010. This thesis makes use of the linearity between the goals of social capital and the policy aims of community cohesion to match forms of social capital to specific forms of social interaction, in six selected social housing schemes in Bradford. Bradford was one of the cities affected by the disturbances in 2001. Analysis of the forms of social interaction in the case study housing schemes shows that bridging and linking forms of social capital, which could lead to enduring cohesive communities, were mainly latent in the schemes. This suggests that the peaceful co-existence in the case study housing schemes today is, possibly, postponed social conflict in the long term.

Over the past 14 years, working independently and with other original thinkers, I have produced works that have on two fronts contributed to the evolving understanding of ethnic relations in contemporary Britain. The first is around social/community cohesion, media and representation as well as counter-terrorism policy as explored through the social sciences. The second domain covering the same themes is couched within the humanities, in particular, the production of literary fiction.

Storbritannien har traditionellt sett bejakat kulturell mångfald som en del av det brittiska samhället, ”en gemenskap av gemenskaper”. De våldsamheter som uppstod mellan asiatiska och vita ungdomar, polis och medlemmar ur högerextrema organisationer i flera nordengelska städer sommaren 2001 markerade emellertid en brytpunkt i den brittiska diskursen om integration och kulturell mångfald, vilken förstärktes ytterligare i de politiska svaren på självmordsbombningarna i Londons tunnelbana 2005. En rad utredningar och rapporter publicerades som signalerade ett tydligt politiskt skifte från fokus på antirasism och skillnadstänkande till en betoning av en gemensam nationell identitet över de kulturella skillnaderna och vikten av att skapa sammanhållning kring en uppsättning ”brittiska värden”. Med hjälp av Laclau och Mouffes teorier identifikation, gruppbildning och makt och Foucauls fokus på problemformulering, analyserar jag hur makt på olika sätt aktiveras i den nya sammanhållningsagendan och problematiserar de processer genom vilka den brittiska regeringen försöker skapa en förstärkt nationell gemenskap. I uppsatsens sista del för jag samman resultaten i en diskussion kring hur man hade kunnat problematisera det annorlunda och vilka alternativa berättelser som faller utanför blickfånget i diskursen kring ”community cohesion”.

Recently, research on community gardens and their benefits to health and community has become very popular. However, this influx of research has failed to investigate challenges to successful community gardening. Some articles examine issues between community gardeners and the land owners, but other than these conflicts community garden challenges, like lack of participation and quality leadership, have not been discussed in the literature (Draper and Freedman, 2010). To allow future gardens to be as successful as possible it is important to identify potential obstacles. Additionally, it is just as important to continue to examine possible benefits, for example, physical activity and health benefits of community gardening and the breadth of community issues possibly addressed by community gardeners. Continuing to research on community will allow for more successful gardens and encourage funding for these programs. This study examines how food insecurity, health and community cohesion issues can be affected by community gardens in Central Florida. It also investigates challenges community gardens often face. To do this I conducted structured interviews with community gardeners and semi-structured interviews with community garden leaders at several gardens throughout Orange County, Florida. The results show that community gardens have several benefits including increased consumption of fresh produce, improved physical activity, mental health and community cohesion. However, gardens are not without difficulties. About a third of the gardeners and the majority of the leaders said that lack of participation was a challenge they faced.