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Prison language is heavily influenced by its environment and is noteworthy for its use of metaphor and metonymy. This study examined the use of metaphor and metonymy, including metaphtonymy, in prison language and how they are influenced by aspects of the environment. The metaphoric and metonymic expressions were selected from the language of incarcerated people and of correctional officers (COs). Data for this study was collected from the podcast Ear Hustle that is produced from inside San Quentin State Prison in California, USA and has been qualitatively analyzed using grounded theory. Additionally, Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT) was used to identify and format metaphor and metonymy found in the data. The conventional metaphors and metonymies and metaphtonymy found in the data were used by both incarcerated people and COs. The expressions were compared to the metaphors discussed by Lakoff and Johnson (1980) in their work on CMT. In this case, conventional metaphors and metonymies were often used in reference to prison structure. However, incarcerated people also use the unique metaphors INCARCERATED PERSON IS AN ANIMAL and PRISON IS A ZOO that are not evident in the speech of COs. This particular difference occurred in the data when the incarcerated individuals have more negative associations with the issue in question than do the COs. COs instead use the metaphor PRISON IS A TOOL, relying more on legal jargon and technical terms. All three of these metaphors are used by prison abolitionists when talking about prison. The results provide insight into what prison conditions are like for incarcerated people, given how prison environment influences language development, as well as the often-complicated relationships between incarcerated people and COs. Furthermore, the results illustrate that other conceptual metaphors can be found in different language varieties beyond the conventionalized ones found in non-prison discourse.

There is no greater work of literature, perhaps, than the Bible. The Bible has shaped and influenced more literature, art, and culture than any other work in our time. The effects of the Bible’s words are still woven into modern literature today, illustrating that the Bible’s themes, allegories, parables, fables, metaphors, and characters are things that we humans are unable to depart far from even many decades later. One of the very first stories in the Bible, found at the beginning in Genesis, tells of Adam and Eve. Adam and Eve’s depiction as the first kind of our species and the story of their creation to their Fall is one transformative story that humans seem destined to repeat. This cycle of falling is rampant in American literature, from the nineteenth century to the twenty-first century, appearing in works by prominent authors such as R. W. B. Lewis, Leo Marx, and John Steinbeck. Steinbeck’s novel East of Eden wrestles heavily with both biblical themes and metaphors and acts as a biblical framework for the Fall narrative and the book of Genesis. This thesis seeks to examine the Fall as a conceptual metaphor for American literature and thinking through John Steinbeck’s East of Eden and attempts to explain why literature, and humans, keep endlessly returning to the Fall.

Nesta pesquisa, nosso propósito consistiu em examinar o papel retórico e referenciador da metáfora e em observar como se constituem e se articulam os processos referenciais promovidos pela associação de domínios díspares nas várias etapas dos discursos presidenciais, dirigidos a líderes políticos mundiais especificamente. Para alcançar esse propósito, propusemo-nos aos seguintes passos de investigação, a partir do tratamento qualitativo dos dados: examinamos as metáforas centrais selecionadas e detectamos o momento em que elas apareceram nos pronunciamentos; observamos as redes referenciais relacionadas a essas metáforas; analisamos a função argumentativa da articulação dessas redes metafóricas, na organização discursiva, levando em conta as condições específicas de produção de cada discurso. Nosso corpus constitui-se de dez discursos do ex-presidente da República Federativa do Brasil Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, proferidos: em Davos (2003 e 2005), na Assembleia Geral das Organizações das Nações Unidas, em Nova Iorque (2004), na China (2004), em Portugal (2003 e 2005), na Índia (2004), no Quênia (2010) e na 39º Reunião de Cúpula do Mersocul, na Argentina (2010). As análises permitiram detectar a existência de metáforas centrais inter-relacionadas e articuladas à argumentação dos discursos. Depreendemos ter havido muitas ocorrências de redes referenciais específicas dessas metáforas, que foram, principalmente, estruturadas pela lógica dos contêineres. Tais resultados levaram-nos a entender que a metáfora conceptual é tanto recurso de referenciação, que pode ser selecionado estrategicamente para fins argumentativos, quanto elemento estruturado e estruturante dos processos referenciais. Nosso trabalho adotou como referencial teórico: i) estudos sobre a referenciação, a partir de Mondada e Dubois (2003), Apothéloz (2003), Marcuschi e Koch (1998), ii) reflexões em torno da argumentação, em que se destacam os trabalhos de Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (2002 [1958]) e Aquino (1997); iii) investigações sobre a metáfora conceptual, realizadas por Lakoff e Johnson (1980, 2003), Kovecses, (2005), e a respeito do discurso político, a partir de Charteris-Black (2011), Chilton (2004). / The aim of this research was to examine the rhetorical and referential role of metaphors, and to analyze the constitution of the referential processes promoted by the association of different domains in the various stages of presidential speeches given to world political leaders. In order to achieve such a goal, the following research steps were carried out, subsequent to the qualitative analysis of the data: selected central metaphors were examined and the moment when they occurred in the speeches were detected; the referential networks related to those metaphors were observed; the argumentative role of the articulation of those metaphorical networks in the discursive organization were observed, taking into account the production conditions that are specific to each speech. The corpus is formed by ten speeches by the former president of the Federative Republic of Brazil, Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, which were given in Davos (2003 and 2005), at the General Assembly of the United Nations Organization, in New York (2004), in China (2004), in Portugal (2003 and 2005), in India (2004), in Kenya (2010) and at the 39th Mercosul Summit, in Argentina (2010). The analyses have allowed the detection of central metaphors inter-related and articulated to the argumentation of the speeches. Specific referential networks of those metaphors have been noticed to be pervasive and structured according to the container logic. These results suggest that conceptual metaphors are both a referential resource, which might be used for argumentative purposes, and an element that structures and is structured by the referential processes. This work has as its theoretical reference: i) the studies on referentiation by Mondada and Dubois (2003), Apothéloz (2003), Marcuschi and Koch (1998); ii) reflections on argumentation by Perelmand and Olbrechts-Tyteca (2002 [1958]), and Aquino (1997); iii) research on conceptual metaphors carried out by Lakoff and Johnson (1980, 2003), Kovecses, (2005), and on political discourse, by Charteris-Black (2011), Chilton (2004).

Em Metaphors we live by, Lakoff e Johnson apresentam uma nova perspectiva de metáfora. Esta não é apenas um recurso lingüístico, mas estrutura conceitual determinada culturalmente. Nosso pensamento está estruturado com base em metáforas conceituais que nos possibilitam compreender um tipo de coisa em termos de outra; noções abstratas por meio da nossa experiência física. Com base nesta perspectiva de metáfora, analisamos quatro raízes hebraicas, ??? (rdl), ??? (tsv\"), ??? (yrd) e ??? (\"lh), dando ênfase às suas formas verbais, cujos sentidos passam de uma experiência concreta para outras mais abstratas. Nosso objetivo é demonstrar em que medida metáforas orientacionais e ontológicas contribuem para a ampliação lexical por ampliação semântica de uma palavra em hebraico. Para tanto, fizemos uma análise dos sentidos das raízes selecionadas, acompanhando parte de sua evolução semântica. Partimos de exemplos do texto bíblico, principal referência da língua hebraica, e contrastamos com exemplos de textos jornalísticos modernos disponíveis no site do jornal israelense Ha\'arets. / In Metaphors we live by, Lakoff and Johnson present a new perspective on metaphors. Metaphor is not merely viewed as a linguistic resource, but as a conceptual cultural structure culturally determined. Thinking is structured through conceptual metaphors which enable the comprehension of a certain thing in terms another; abstract notions through physical experience. Based on this view of metaphor, we analyzed four hebrew roots: ??? (rdl), ??? (tsv\"), ??? (yrd) and ??? (\"lh), emphasizing their verbal forms, whose meanings change from concrete experience to abstract ones. Our aim is show to which extent orientational and ontological metaphors contribute to lexical expansion through semantic expansion of a word, in hebrew. With this objective, we analyzed the meanings of roots selected, observing part of their semantic evolution. We started from examples from biblical text, the main reference of the Hebrew language, and contrasted them with modern journalistic texts available on the website of Israeli newspaper Ha\'arets

This thesis is an investigation of Middle English insanity language. It analyses change in the Middle English lexical field of INSANITY, the semantic structure of lexemes wod and mad, and compares INSANITY conceptual metaphors in Middle English and present-day English. The INSANITY lexical field is an ideal one to study language change, due to socio-cultural changes since the Middle Ages such as advances in medical knowledge, the development of the field of psychiatry and legal changes protecting people with a mental illness from discrimination. The general theoretical aims were to examine a) change in conceptual metaphor, and b) semantic and lexical change with a particular focus on the decline in use of adjective wod. The theoretical frameworks are cognitive linguistics, prototype theory, and conceptual metaphor theory, and the data is derived from Middle English corpora and other sources. The INSANITY database I created for this study consisted of 1307 instances of mad, wod and near-synonyms in context. The main results can be divided into three groups. Firstly, the lexical field study demonstrates that various intra-linguistic and socio-cultural phenomena effect lexical change. Using case studies amongst others of the decline of wod in the Wycliffite Bible and of Caxton's translations from French, and a systematic variation across genre, I argue that the important factors are i) the arrival of new medical loanwords such as frensy, lunatic and malencolie; ii) the early re-emergence of the vernacular in medical texts starting in the twelfth century, and the development of a new medical register; iii) the so-called medieval 'inward turn'; iv) changes in the neighbouring lexical field of ANGER. Secondly, the semasiological study of wod and mad shows that the meanings of these two lexemes are structured and change in line with the central tenets of prototype theory, i.e. as described for diachronic prototype semantics by Geeraerts (1997). The path of mad's semantic development does not parallel that of wod after the thirteenth century. Mad's senses do not have the emphasis on wildness and fury that the senses of wod do. A particularly interesting finding is the semantic change from a sub-sense of adverb mad and adjective mad, 'unrestrained', leading in present-day English to a new delexicalised and grammaticalised sense of mad, where its use as an intensifier enhances scalar quantity and quality. Thirdly, the conceptual metaphor study demonstrates that predominantly the same conceptual metaphors are seen in both Middle English and present-day English, with some exceptions such as the concept of insanity being related to moral decline, as evidenced in the dearth of FALLING metaphors for insanity in present-day English. Conceptual metaphors such as INSANITY IS ANOTHER PLACE are evidenced in present-day English expressions such as out of her senses, or not in my right mind. In 1422, Thomas Hoccleve could write of a dysseveraunce between himself and his wit, or about his wyld infirmitie, which threw him owt of my selfe, illustrating the same underlying concepts. Other INSANITY conceptual metaphors which remain unchanged are GOING ASTRAY, LACK OF ORDER, LACK OF WHOLENESS, DARKNESS, FORCE, PRISON and BURDEN. Because of its unique approach in combining onomasiological and semasiological approaches with a conceptual metaphor study, this study reveals not only specific patterns of change, but differences in the rate of change on the lexical and conceptual levels. Lexical change driven by the need to be expressive, and reflecting socio-cultural changes such as changes in medical knowledge, can be seen to happen rapidly over the Middle English period. However, underlying conceptual change is barely discernible even over a much longer period of time from Middle English to present-day English. This research is significant because it provides a basis for future analysis of insanity language in other periods and contexts. It also contributes to the study of semantic change in general, highlighting the insights that can be gained by combining different types of data-driven analyses.

This essay deals with the translation methods used for a German-Swedish translation of metaphors in two books about climate change and environmental policy. These books contain a large number of metaphors, and this essay raises the question of how those are translated. The theory used for defining and classifying the metaphors found in the material is the conceptual metaphor theory, as defined by Lakoff and Johnson (1980), and their notion of metaphor is also fundamental in how it is later being analysed. The study finds that of the four different  translation strategies used, direct translation is by far the most common one. It also shows that a few metaphors were altered in terms of the lexicalisation of the metaphorical expression, however with the underlying conceptual metaphor still intact. Only one metaphor was translated with a completely different conceptual metaphor than in the original, and in two other cases the metaphor was translated with non-figurative language.

This thesis aims to construct a semantic system for the disparate uses of peh in TSM and peh¡¦s pragmatic functions in actual language uses in terms of cognitive accounts. Firstly, based on the data collected from dictionaries of the Ministry of Education, the present study divided the various meanings of peh into two main types, i.e., prototypical meaning and extended meanings. Prototypical meaning is further classified into perception-based type. How peh is perceived in perception-based type is in close relationship with the actual environment where we interact with. On the other hand, the main category under extended meanings is conception-based type, which is divided into four subcategories of cognitive mechanisms. That is, the diverse meanings of peh in conception-based type will be interpreted in the perspective of four subcategories of cognitive mechanisms. They are metonymic extension, metaphorical extension, the interaction of metaphor and metonymy, and culturally-related extension. Then, to better understand peh¡¦s pragmatic functions in TSM, the study shifts its foucus to the examination of the interrelationship between peh and the shared Taiwanese cultural background knowledge in actual language uses. Basically, the function which peh serves in discourse depends mainly on the context where it is used, and the world or the community will determine and pick up the most appropriate wordings for us (Mey, 2008). There is no definite answer as to which linguistic expression bears which meaning or interpretation when we try to sort out all possible interpretations and meanings for each linguistic expression containing peh. We need both contextual clues and cultural background knowledge to decipher peh¡¦s underlying meanings. The encodings of color perception do not lie in our biology; instead, it is structured socially (Lucy, 1997). In addition, certain uses of peh, e.g., pe̍h-pau (¥Õ¥]), pe̍h-thiap-á (¥Õ©«¥J), etc., in real life discourse make the function of peh more than a representation of the color itself but bridge the gap and create interpersonal relationship between their language users at the same time. On the whole, this research may shed light on the cognitive understanding of peh in TSM not only semantically but also pragmatically.

Paul Ricoeur believes that metaphors not only provide information, but also convey truths. When people express non-image concepts with image-based language, they use metaphor. Reading Biblical metaphor is to look for God through reading. Metaphors are used throughout the Bible as a means of pointing to truths and as a tool to allow readers to recognize God. How has the Bible enabled millions of believers for centuries to serve God despite the limitations of human language? The answer is that God reveals Himself through metaphor, allowing people to know His value. The use of metaphor is not only a literary device designed for aesthetic purposes; the main purpose of metaphor is to express concepts that are difficult to describe directly. This article uses conceptual metaphor theory (CMT) from Metaphors We Live By (Lakeoff & Johnson, 1980, 2003) and blending theory (BT) by Fauconnier and Turner (1995) as analysis strategies for Biblical texts, they are also one kind of tool of organizing information at the same time. Metaphor is a type of inspirational linguistic phenomenon; a linguistic device that enables people¡¦s minds to ascend to a higher place. Biblical metaphors are extremely rich, and this article offers only an initial analytical interpretation of the four main themes of Biblical metaphors: The exploration of God¡¦s nature and attributes; to see the default table of the Old Testament and the intertextuality of the New Testament; the characteristics of believers; and the interactive relationship between God and man, including God¡¦s will for humanity. Using these four basic and essential themes, this study explores how the Bible uses metaphor to convey abstract concepts and relate communications between God and man, as well as exploring how moral lessons are conveyed through metaphors, enabling the average person to understand them. In addition, in a position of Biblical readers to explore how readers use their own experience and cognitive abilities regarding metaphors to ascertain the true meaning of faith, including metaphorical thinking of the solutions, the experience of faith is the extension of the metaphor. ¡¨Christ¡¨ is the necessary key for Biblical interpretation, as well as the metaphor is possible as an edge tool of cognition & expression, that is, Biblical readers can transfer the implication of belief through the modes of metaphor understanding per the information provided by Bible. Using the same principle, the reading technique of metaphorical cognition can be applied to other texts as a method of interpreting meaning¡Xespecially abstract meaning.

This thesis proposes a comprehensive cognitive account of metaphor understanding that combines aspects of Relevance Theory (e.g. Sperber & Wilson 1986/95; Carston 2002) and Cognitive Linguistics, in particular ideas from Conceptual Metaphor Theory (e.g. Lakoff & Johnson 1980; Lakoff 1987; Johnson 1991) and Situated Conceptualization (e.g. Barsalou 1999; 2005). While Relevance Theory accounts for propositional aspects of metaphor understanding, the model proposed here additionally accounts for nonpropositional effects which intuitively make metaphor feel ‗special‘ compared to literal expressions. This is achieved by (a) assuming a further, more basic processing level of imagistic-experiential representations involving mental simulation patterns (Barsalou 1999; 2005) alongside relevance-theoretic inferential processing and (b) assuming processing of the literal meaning of a metaphorical expression at a metarepresentational level, as proposed by Carston (2010). The approach takes Tendahl‘s ‗Hybrid Theory of Metaphor‘ (2006), which also combines cognitive-linguistic with relevance-theoretic ideas, as a starting point. Like Tendahl, it incorporates the notion of conceptual metaphors (Lakoff & Johnson 1980), albeit in a modified form, thus accounting for metaphor in thought. Wilson (2009) suggests that some metaphors originate in language (as previously assumed by Relevance Theory) and others originate in thought (as previously assumed within Cognitive Linguistics). The model proposed here can account for both. Unlike Tendahl, it assumes a modular mental architecture (Sperber 1994), which ensures that the different levels of processing are kept apart. This is because each module handles only its own domain-specific input, here consisting of either propositional or imagistic-experiential representations. The propositional level, which remains the dominant processing route in utterance 3 understanding, as in Relevance Theory, receives some input from the imagistic-experiential level. This is mediated at a metarepresentational level, which turns the imagistic-experiential representations into propositional material to be processed at the inferential level in the understanding of literal expressions. In metaphor understanding, however, the literal meaning is not processed as meaning-constitutive content. As a result, the imagistic-experiential aspects of the literal meaning in question are not processed as propositional input. Rather, they are held at the metarepresentational level and experienced as strong impressions of the kind that only metaphors can communicate.