This dissertation explores the ways in which feminine culpability is verbally articulated by the male courtly lover to his beloved lady within the amorous relationship in three fifteenth-century Spanish sentimental novels: Diego de San Pedro’s Cárcel de amor, published in 1492, and two of Juan de Flores' sentimental novels, Grimalte y Gradissa and Grisel and Mirabella, both published in approximately 1495, and how these motifs of feminine culpability are subverted in the anonymous fifteenth-century Catalan chivalric novel Curial e Güelfa. This subversion of culpability motifs is facilitated in Curial e Güelfa since there is also a subversion of gender roles within the amorous relationship of the novel's protagonists: a female lover, Güelfa, who courts her male beloved, Curial. To execute this study, I begin by discussing the origins of this rhetoric of feminine culpability in patristic, Biblical and philosophical texts, illustrating their sedimentation into the collective ideologies of medieval audiences. I also examine these feminine culpability models in Provençal lyric poetry written and recited by Occitan troubadours between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries, as one of its particular genres, the mala cansó, aims to not only blame the beloved lady, but also to publicly defame her, a threat that is also ever-present in the words of the male lover in the sentimental novel. After analyzing the tactics used by the male courtly lover to blame the beloved lady for his suffering and the demise of the relationship, I demonstrate how these same tactics are employed by the female characters of Curial e Güelfa toward the beloved man. However, feminine blame still occurs in Curial e Güelfa, manifested as feminine self-blame and blame between women, while the male characters engage in self-absolution, absolution of other men, and utter shirking of the blame. The theoretical framework employed is that of medieval canon law, and the way in which culpability was determined under this law from the twelfth century onward, which was by the intentions of the offender at the time of the crime or transgression rather than the consequences of the transgression. If we examine these fifteenth-century courtly love texts, it becomes clear that the beloved lady is innocent, while the male lover himself is the culpable party. Finally, following Rouben C. Cholakian's reading of the troubadour poetry through the work of twentieth-century psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan, I conclude that although the poet-lover verbally enunciates erotic metaphors and adulating language toward his beloved lady in the guise of courtly love, the true desire that he cannot articulate is to dominate, to overpower, and possibly to eradicate the feminine. Thus, in a Lacanian sense the notion that courtly love literature praises the woman is a fallacy. Both the poet-lover of the Provençal lyric and the courtly lover of the sentimental novel subvert the concept of alleged feminine superiority and exaltation in these texts. / Spanish

The thesis is a contribution to the social history of the Middle Ages. It investigates a phenomenon called courtly love, fully expressed at the noble court through an analysis of Thomas Malory's and Chrètien de Troyes' Arthurian romances, letters of Christine de Pisan and auxiliary sources. Its origin and expressions in a period literature, mostly of southern France, its inspirational sources and a continuation of Celtic folklore tradition is discussed in the initial chapters. The next part deals with individual forms of the courtly love and their effects on a gender relationship in a knightly class. The actual activity of a medieval woman and her opportunity to participate in public, ascribed social roles and a development of a masculine view is discussed in following chapters. The final part is engaged in a falling of a knightly ideal as well as a significance of the knight and his dame.

Tato práce se zabývá primárními rytířskými ságami, staroseverskými pře- klady evropské rytířské epiky, a jejich vlivem na další žánry ság, sekundární rytířské ságy a pozdní fantastické ságy. Naším cílem bylo zkoumat změny v prezentaci vybraných postav (hrdina, vládce a hrdinova žena) v závislosti na přechodu společnosti od rodové k systému s feudálními rysy. P·vodní staroseverská tradice je v práci zastoupena ságami rodovými. První kapitola popisuje hlavní problémy rozdělení zkoumaných žánr·. Druhá kapitola před- stavuje detailní analýzu formy a obsahu popis· postav v každém z žánr·. Poslední část přidává aspekt změn struktury společnosti, především ve spo- jitosti se snahou Hákona Hákonarsona zavést užší feudální vazby. Tento pře- chod skutečně ovlivnil očekávání publika. Zjistili jsme, že hlavní změna, kte- rou primární rytířské ságy znamenaly v rámci ságové literatury, bylo, že se cíleně pokoušely změnit společenské konvence a praxi. Pozdější žánry si už nenárokovaly morální závaznost. Přejaly sice kvality zavedené překlady ry- tířské epiky, ovšem dodržovaly také tradiční formu popisu postav. Klíčová slova: rytířské ságy, lživé ságy, rodové ságy, staroseverský, dvorský

L'invention de l'imagerie médicéenne a accompagné la campagne politique initiée par Cosimo I, investi duc de Florence en 1537, puis duc de Sienne en 1559, et grand-duc de Toscane en 1570, pour établir une autorité dynastique à la tête d'un principat créé en 1530 par Charles Quint et enraciner un pouvoir autocratique pour ses héritiers. Les arts du textile, de l'ornement et de la joaillerie sont aux fondements de cette image du pouvoir médicéen. Dans un contexte économique et culturel où Florence était considérée, sur la scène internationale, comme un des principaux foyers de l'artisanat du luxe et de la création artistique, les Medici utilisèrent cette renommée à leur avantage. Ils se firent représenter en ambassadeurs de la culture florentine pour faire reconnaître leur identité et promouvoir leur légitimité auprès de la société de cour européenne. Simultanément, ils prirent des mesures financières et législatives en faveur de la modernisation industrielle de leur État, du déploiement européen du marché textile régional et de la fondation d'un centre international de l'artisanat d'exception. Le portrait du costume définit la représentation d'une esthétique originale, en lien avec ce contexte singulier, qui fut instrumentalisée pour afficher une image à la hauteur de telles ambitions. Grâce à cette vitrine du luxe florentin, traduite avec une plasticité minutieuse et une authenticité sidérante, les portraits témoignent d'une stratégie des apparences orchestrée pour répondre à un double objectif : ériger Florence en joyau de l'art de la Renaissance et exalter le prestige royal conquis par les grands-ducs de Toscane. / The creation of the Medicean portraiture has supported the political campaign started by Cosimo I, invested duke of Florence in 1537, then duke of Siena in 1559, and Grand Duke of Tuscany in 1570, to establish a dynastic authority on a princely state created by Charles V and to ensure the continued existence of an autocracy for his heirs. The arts of textile, ornament and jewellery are the pillars of this image of power. In an economic and cultural context where Florence was regarded as one of the major centers of luxury and artistic creation, the Medici used this world-renowned culture to their advantage. They became its ambassadors in order to have their identity recognized and to promote their legitimacy in the eyes of the European courtly society. At the same lime, they took financial and legislative measures to help the industrial modernization of their State, the European expansion of the Tuscan textile market and the foundation of an international and unparalleled center of the arts and crafts. The portrait du costume defines the representation of an original aesthetics, in connection with this singular context, which was mounted to realize such ambitions. With the exhibition of Florentine luxury, depicted with meticulous materiality and stunning authenticity, the portraits bear witness to a strategy of appearances staged to fulfill a double objective: enhance Florence as a jewel of Renaissance art and exalt the royal prestige conquered by the Grand Dukes of Tuscany.

Ford often wrote about virtuous gentlemen ruined by the modern society he saw developing around him. While Ford Madox Ford was writing The Good Soldier, ther was a sense of displacement in England and the class system was starting to crumble. Edward Ashburnham, one of the two male protagonists in The Good Soldier, is described as a Chevalier Bayard and there are definitely some similarities between Ashburnham and Bayard. For instance, both men lived during periods of great societal change and both faithfully served their countries. However, the feudal lifestyle that was appropriate for Bayard in the fifteenth-century is unavailable to Ashburnham in the twentieth-century. In The Good Soldier, Ford used the old ideals of chivalry and courtly love codes to produce a character, Edward Ashburnham, who represents the loss of traditional values in a modern society.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universidad de Oviedo, 1978. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 335-357).

No description available.

Von der großartigen Kultur des Erzählens im Mittelalter zeugen noch heute die höfischen Romane. Wenig aber weiß man von der Praxis des Erzählens: Wo, wann und zu welchen Anlässen wurde erzählt? Welche sozialen Funktionen erfüllte das Erzählen? Welche Regeln des Erzählens galten in den Vortragssituationen? ... Der Fokus dieses Beitrages richtet sich auf das 'Erzählen beim Reiten', das hinsichtlich seiner Bedingungen und Funktionalität zu analysieren sein wird. Ziel dieser Untersuchung ist es, Erkenntnisse über textimmanentes Erzählen zu gewinnen, die Aussagen über die erzähllogische und handlungslogische Funktionalität von Metadiegesen zulassen, und - perspektiviert auf noch zu schreibende synchron und diachron angelegte, vergleichende Analysen - ein mittelalterliches Verständnis vom 'Erzählens' (in Erzählungen) rekonstruieren zu können.

Il lavoro si propone di dare l’edizione critica e commentata di un breve canzoniere milanese anonimo (quarantanove componimenti). La tesi è strutturata in tre parti: nella prima si ricostruisce la tradizione del testo, tramandato interamente da un solo testimone manoscritto attualmente in collezione privata, e parzialmente dal ms. Basevi 2441 della Biblioteca del Conservatorio “Luigi Cherubini” di Firenze. In questa parte si propone inoltre una datazione del canzoniere (l’ultimo decennio del XV secolo), si attribuisce la scrittura al copista Giovanni Battista Lorenzi e l’unica miniatura presente all’artista noto come “Maestro B. F.”, coppia spesso attiva a Milano tra Quattrocento e Cinquecento nella realizzazione di manoscritti di lusso. La seconda parte si concentra sull’opera, di cui indaga la struttura, i temi, lo stile e la metrica. Il canzoniere viene inoltre contestualizzato nel panorama della lirica cortigiana settentrionale del secondo Quattrocento. La terza parte è costituita dall’edizione critica e commentata, preceduta da una nota linguistica. Ogni lirica è accompagnata da un cappello introduttivo e dal commento ai versi, in cui, attraverso il reperimento di modelli e luoghi paralleli, si mette in luce lo stretto rapporto dell’autore con i poeti cortigiani contemporanei. / The work aims to provide a critical and commented edition of a short anonymous Milanese collection of poems (fourty-nine compositions). The thesis is structured in three parts: the first retraces the tradition of the text, handed down entirely from a single manuscript currently in a private collection, and partially from Florence, Biblioteca del Conservatorio, ms. Basevi 2441. In this part it is also proposed that this work was composed in the last decade of the fifteenth century, the scribe was Giovanni Battista Lorenzi and an artist known as “Maestro B. F.” was the miniaturist. They were active in Milan between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and worked in pair in producting luxury manuscripts. The second section focuses on the “canzoniere” and investigates the structure, themes, style, and metric. I try to contextualize this collection in the northern courtly poetry of the second half of the fifteenth century. The third part offers the critical edition, preceded by a linguistic note. Each poem has an introduction and a commentary, that discussing models, sources and loci paralleli, shows the author's close relationship with contemporary courtly poets.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.