Submitted by Haroudo Xavier Filho (haroudo.xavierfo@ufpe.br) on 2016-04-08T17:14:47Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Tese_SuzanaPaulino - BC.pdf: 3480904 bytes, checksum: d9bfc32743b3ae7384814c8010705101 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-08T17:14:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Tese_SuzanaPaulino - BC.pdf: 3480904 bytes, checksum: d9bfc32743b3ae7384814c8010705101 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-14 / CAPES / Considerando o contexto econômico vivenciado na última década, especialmente a crise que repercutiu globalmente, a partir de 2008, e a necessidade de a publicidade se adaptar às novas exigências da sociedade, criando uma nova retórica (ROCHA, 2010), o discurso publicitário bancário televisivo aborda o público-alvo com uma linguagem estratégica de estrutura narrativa que pode levar este a se endividar ao consumir os produtos e serviços ofertados. Nesse sentido, o presente estudo tem por objetivo analisar como o discurso de economia moral é utilizado como estratégia para promover o consumo de produtos e serviços financeiros e investiga contradições nesse discurso. Buscamos compreender como esse discurso reflete na língua valores, comportamentos e crenças, contribuindo para a compreensão de como os fenômenos econômicos afetam a vida dos indivíduos e como o comportamento destes pode influenciar a economia e a língua. Portanto, considerando a complexidade do discurso e da sociedade, decidimos realizar uma análise qualitativa, apoiada pelos pressupostos teórico-metodológicos da Análise Crítica do Discurso (FAIRCLOUGH, 2001, 2003) devido à sua dimensão ideológica na constituição do discurso e por problematizar a relação entre o discurso e a sociedade. Para esta pesquisa, foram analisados 8 anúncios televisivos dos bancos HSBC e Santander, brasileiros e Ingleses, lançados entre os anos de 2010 e 2014. Também nos apoiamos nos pressupostos da Multimodalidade de Kress e Van Leween (2001); van Leeuwen (2005), Caldas-Coulthard e van Leeuwen, (2003); Bennett (2007, 2013). Também nos fundamentamos em Sayer (2000, 2004); Bourdieu (1977; 1991; 2000; 2006; 2009); Marx (1973); bem como em Rocha (2010), Maingueneau (2001) e Carvalho (2000). Os resultados revelam que existe um discurso econômico-moral simulado, a nova retórica do capital (ROCHA, 2010), que se caracteriza pela abordagem da “responsabilidade social” e da “qualidade de vida”, que vem sendo utilizado no discurso publicitário bancário como uma ferramenta de sedução e persuasão do público com o intuito de construir argumentos em favor dos interesses dos bancos para a permanência do capital. Assim, as publicidades bancárias têm explorado um modelo de discurso que se apresenta supostamente ético e moralizado, simulando uma preocupação com o bem-estar da sociedade, mas caracterizado por contradições, uma vez que os princípios e objetivos dos bancos são diferentes dos de solidariedade, pois visam lucros, exploração e manutenção da hegemonia capitalista. / Considering the economic context, especially the global crisis started in 2008, and the need of publicity to adapt to the new demands of society, creating a new rethoric (ROCHA, 2010), TV bank publicity discourse approach to the public is by a narrative structured strategic language, guiding them to debts by consuming the offered products and services. This study aims at analysing how the discourse of moral economy is used as a strategy to promote the consumption of banking products and services; and investigates contradictions in this discursive construction. We aimed at understanding how this discourse reflects values, behaviors and beliefs in the language, contributing to the understanding of how economic phenomena affect the lives of individuals and how their behavior can influence the economy and the language. Therefore, considering the complexity of discourse and of the society, we decided to investigate the problem based on the theoretical and methodological assumptions of Critical Discourse Analysis (FAIRCLOUGH, 2001, 2003) due to its ideological dimension in the constitution of discourse and for considering the relationship between discourse and society. We analysed 8 Brazilian and English TV ads of HSBC and Santander, collected within 2010 and 2014 to conduct a qualitative analysis, supported by the theoretical assumptions of multimodality of Kress and Van Leween (2001); van Leeuwen (2005), Caldas-Coulthard and van Leeuwen (2003); Bennett (2007, 2013). We also considered Sayer (2000, 2004); Bourdieu (1977; 1991; 2000; 2006; 2009); Marx (1973), as well as Rocha (2010); Maingueneau (2001) and Carvalho (2000). The results show that there is a simulated moral economy that is the new rhetoric of capital, characterized by the “social responsibility” and “life quality” discourse that has been used in banking advertising discourse as a seduction and persuasive tool aiming at building arguments in favour of bank interests to maintain capital. Thus, the bank advertisements have explored a discourse model that shows itself as ethical and moralized, worrying about the well being of the society, but characterized by contradictions, since the objectives of banks are different from those of solidarity, because these institutions seek profit, exploitation and the maintenance of the capitalist hegemony.

This essay has examined the current debate between freedom of speech and personal integrity in the in Swedish news media. Freedom of speech and personal integrity is a controversial debate and they are two values that creates opinions and conflicts between different instances in the society. The essay´s methodology is a critical discourse analysis and the study has gained ground in both theory and methodology in Norman Faircloughs critical discourse analysis with its three dimensions; text, discourse practice and the sociocultural practice. The study is based on 17 reviewed articles, the articles are all published in the Swedish press and includes the current debate between freedom of speech and personal integrity. The two sides have strong arguments and what is clarified is that the democracy will be threatened if laws concerning freedom of expression are taken, and especially journalists are not happy about the proposal. What also emerges in the study was that the technology development is seen as the reason for why regulations are needed in the society. The internet has created a new arena to find and retrieve information about other citizens but also made it possible to disseminate information without any ethical approaches.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:24:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ateniense_Alves_Mendonca.pdf: 18017441 bytes, checksum: 97667516f57d069dc17ee30a067b8320 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-24 / The present research was proposed to this: analyze critically the speeches and its power relations. For that, had as object of study LDHs fit for the ninth grade of elementary school. Thus, we intend to investigate, specifically, as the historical fact of the Civil-Military Dictatorship of Brazil is represented in two didactic works. The first production is edited, in 2009, the Brazilian Army's own library, the collection of Aldo and authorship Trompowsky Marshal Demerval Rio Branco, Maurício de Siqueira, Mallet Soares, Neide Annarumma, entitled History of Brazil: Empire and Republic. The second work, by contrast, does not have any link with the Brazilian Army, being produced in 2011, a large national circulation Publisher, Editora Moderna, written by a single author, Patricia Ramos Braick, and its title: Study History of the origins of man in the digital age. From this, it will be discussed the thought of Norman Fairclough (2001), British linguist, founder of icon critical analysis. The work of the author contributes significantly to the establishment and development of Critical Discourse Studies, in that it introduces a different analytical method, the so-called "three-dimensional model of discourse analysis", which places text instances, discursive practice and social practice as a fully dialectical dimensions and bases for the look of investigative analyst of speeches. According to the British theorist, the text form and is formed in the social practices, being those domains are interconnected and mutually constituted. / A presente pesquisa propôs-se a isto: analisar criticamente os discursos e suas relações de poder. Para isso, teve-se como objeto de estudo LDHs próprios para o 9º ano do Ensino Fundamental. Assim, pretende-se investigar, especificamente, como o fato histórico da Ditadura Civil-militar do Brasil está representado em duas obras didáticas. A primeira se trata de uma produção editada, em 2009, pela biblioteca do próprio Exército Brasileiro, pertencente à coleção Marechal Trompowsky e autoria de Aldo Demerval Rio Branco, Maurício de Siqueira, Mallet Soares, Neide Annarumma, intitulado História do Brasil: Império e República. A segunda obra, em contrapartida, não possui vínculo algum com o Exército Brasileiro, sendo produzida em 2011, por uma editora de grande circulação nacional, a Editora Moderna, escrito por uma única autora, Patrícia Ramos Braick, e tem como título: Estudar História das origens do homem à era digital. A partir disso, será abordado o pensamento de Normam Fairclough (2001), linguista britânico, ícone fundador da Análise Crítica. A obra do autor contribui significativamente para a constituição e desenvolvimento dos Estudos Críticos do Discurso, na medida em que introduz um método analítico diferenciado, o chamado Modelo tridimensional de análise do discurso , que coloca as instâncias texto, prática discursiva e prática social como dimensões integralmente dialéticas e bases para o olhar investigativo do analista de discursos. Segundo o teórico britânico, o texto forma e é formado nas práticas sociais, sendo esses domínios interligados e mutuamente constituídos.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:25:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ana_claudia_soares_paiva.pdf: 3415103 bytes, checksum: ba76bbaa2fdf607d6f8633a2d24d56a9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-21 / In this work we focus over the discursive constructions of presidential candidates Eduardo Campos and Marina Silva - exposed in interviews, debates and news reports, which formed the basis for of the direct speech cut of the candidates, consolidating the corpora of our analysis, presented by the media online Folha de São Paulo, Journal of Commerce, Diário de Pernambuco, O Globo, O Estado, Carta Capital, G1 news, see and Yahoo News - t searching to analyze as it was built and what purpose a speech which propagated a pseudo juxtaposition of the parties on the composition of the alliance United by Brazil on the political scene in 2014.. The alliance States by Brazil aimed to to present themselves socially with a transformative nature of speech (demagogic), where the union of these candidates would represent a new time in Brazilian politics, appointed by such an alliance as being the New Policy and characterizing itself as a force counterhegemonic PT policy. In view of the potential for such public discourse (political discourse) in social practice, we we anchor in the Critical Discourse Analysis approach, in a more timely manner in the socio-cognitive and discursive perspective van Dijk through different works so that we could build a path that expose the linguistic-discursive and cognitive strategies used by the candidates in order to access the mental representations of voters. For this we consulted van Dijk (2000a, 2000b, 2005 and 2012), to obtain a better understanding of how the ideological representations form and determine the social functioning of individuals within the communicative situation also we reviewed Fairclough (2001), seeking in their studies comprehend how is this interface between speech and subject and how both are modified and socially modify their relations. To deepen the power and access of society in political constructions by an attempt to change the models contexts of voters, we prioritize the studies of van Dijk (2010, 2012), through the reflection of the socio-cognitive elements members of macro-structural composition of speech yet in deepen of this mocroestruturação review some authors of political philosophy and political science, represented here by Pedro Demo (1999) and Gaetano Mosca (1924) in order to to understand better the political orientation that guided discursivization of the alliance PSB-Network. To circumscribe the linguistic and cognitive and discursive strategies that guided these constructs, we analyze them in order to get clues about the possible meanings intended by such speech constructions. We identify a permanent insistence around the idea of a government program, which would represent the illusory proposal for a policy that breaks away from the elites. Finally, we demonstrate, by our analysis, there was rather a polarizing voices and power among such candidates be at PSB-Rede orientation, whether the reorientation Rede-PSB which dates back to the old way of doing politics of party agreements. / Neste trabalho nos debruçamos sobre as construções discursivas dos presidenciáveis Eduardo Campos e Marina Silva - expostas em entrevistas, debates e reportagens, as quais serviram de base para o recorte do discurso direto dos candidatos, consolidando a nossa corpora de análise, apresentada pelas mídias online Folha de São Paulo, Jornal do Comércio, Diário de Pernambuco, O Globo, O Estadão, Carta Capital, G1 notícias, Veja e Yahoo notícias buscando analisar como foi construído e com qual propósito um discurso que propagava uma pseudo justaposição entre os partidos na composição da chapa Unidos pelo Brasil no cenário político de 2014. A aliança PSB-Rede buscou apresentar-se socialmente com um discurso de cunho transformador (um discurso que é dito a partir do que deseja-se ouvir demagógico), onde a união de tais candidatos representariam um novo tempo na política brasileira, nomeado por tal aliança como sendo a Nova Política e caracterizando-se como uma força contra-hegemônica à política do PT. Tendo em vista a potencialidade de tal discurso público (discurso político) na prática social, que nos ancoramos na abordagem da Análise Crítica do Discurso, de maneira mais pontual na perspectiva sociocognitiva e discursiva de van Dijk através de diferentes obras para que pudéssemos construir um caminho que expusesse as estratégias linguístico-discursiva e cognitiva usada pelos candidatos para acessarem as representações mentais dos eleitores. Para isso consultamos van Dijk (2000a, 2000b, 2005 e 2012), para obtermos uma melhor compreensão de como as representações ideológicas formam e determinam o funcionamento social dos sujeitos dentro da conjuntura comunicativa, revisamos também Fairclough (2001), buscando em seus estudos compreender como se dá esta interface entre discurso e sujeito e como ambos são modificados e modificam socialmente suas relações. Para aprofundarmos o poder e o acesso dessas construções políticas em sociedade mediante uma tentativa de reestruturação dos modelos de contextos dos eleitores, priorizamos os estudos de van Dijk (2010, 2012), através da reflexão dos elementos sociocognitivos integrantes da composição macroestrutural do discurso, ainda no aprofundar dessa macroestruturação revisamos alguns autores da filosofia política e da ciência política, aqui representados por Pedro Demo (1999) e Gaetano Mosca (1924), a fim de compreendermos melhor a orientação política que norteou a discursivização da aliança PSB-Rede. Ao delimitarmos as estratégias linguístico-cognitivas e discursivas que orientaram tais construtos, pudemos analisá-las de modo a obter pistas acerca dos possíveis sentidos pretendidos por tais construções de discurso. Identificamos uma permanente insistência em torno da ideia de um programa de governo, o qual representaria a ilusória proposta de uma política que rompe com as elites. E finalmente, demonstramos, por nossa análise, que houve, sim, uma polarização de vozes e poder entre tais candidatos seja durante a orientação PSB-Rede, seja na reorientação Rede-PSB o que remonta o velho jeito de fazer política dos acordos partidários.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:25:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ivaneide_lemos_vasconcelos_silva.pdf: 885348 bytes, checksum: 422daacd108817a4fc4afb2be6424842 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-13 / This research is a study of the works "Negrinha" and "Cassada de Pedrinho" Monteiro Lobato analyzed under the aegis of Critical Discourse Analysis. We tried to elucidate issues concerning the reasons for these work be considered racists, and this analysis can direct reading in Portuguese classes. Such works are the product of a particular historical moment and they are characterized by strong ideological connotations related to racism in Brazil of the early twentieth century. It is therefore up to teachers, conducting a critical analysis to attenuate the racial prejudice that exists in our society and that unfortunately isn t a speech generally analyzed in a critically way. This research is mainly theoretical support the three-dimensional model of the speech Fairclough (1989, 1997, 2001), where the speech is the constitutive trainer of racial discrimination in textual spheres, the discursive and social practice. These narrative speeches manipulate language users for their own interests. They are explained by Van Dick (2005, 2012a, 2012b, 2012c) as mental models that make up the racist system and alluding to the ideology as persuasive instrument able to direct people to own goals of power; cognition and mental models; the establishment of the racist system of racial discrimination. Thus, the context is seen as a construct of oral and written discourse, ideologies, power, and interaction and (re) production of communicative actions. Finally, the realization of this study allows us to state that the two works bring indeed strong racist connotations. In this sense, we suggest them to be studied in schools or sent to public libraries, need accurate information about the historical context in which they were written. Which are conducted critical analyzes through a confrontation with the current context of contemporary society. / Esta pesquisa é um estudo das obras Negrinha e Caçadas de Pedrinho de Monteiro Lobato analisadas sob a égide da Análise Crítica do Discurso. Procuramos elucidar problemas que dizem respeito às razões que levaram estas obras a serem consideradas racistas, bem como possibilitar o redirecionamento de leitura. Tais obras são fruto de um determinado momento histórico e são caracterizadas por ideologias quanto ao racismo no Brasil do início do século XX. Cabe, portanto, aos professores, a realização de uma análise crítica sobre o preconceito racial que existe em nossa sociedade e que infelizmente é um discurso costumeiramente não analisado de forma crítica. Esta pesquisa tem como principal aporte teórico o Modelo Tridimensional do Discurso de Fairclough (1989, 1997, 2001). O discurso é o formador constitutivo de discriminação racial nas esferas textual, na discursiva e na prática social. Esses discursos narrativos manipulam os usuários da língua para os próprios interesses. São explicados por Van Dijk (2005, 2012a, 2012b, 2012c) como modelos mentais que constituem o sistema racista e que fazem alusão à ideologia enquanto instrumento persuasivo capaz de direcionar as pessoas para objetivos próprios de poder; a cognição como modelo mental; a constituição do sistema racista de discriminação racial. Assim, o contexto é visto como um construto de discursos orais e escritos, de ideologias, de poder, de interação e de (re) produção de ações comunicativas. Finalmente, a realização desse estudo, permite-nos afirmar que as duas obras trazem indícios racistas. Sugerimos que as escolas e as bibliotecas públicas transmitam conhecimentos sobre o contexto histórico da época das obras em que foram escritas.Que sejam realizadas análises críticas por meio de um confronto com o atual contexto da sociedade contemporânea.

The aim for this study is to examine the educational material ​Sex- och samlevnadsundervsining i särskola (2014), directed to teachers in schools for children with disabilities. The material is produced by Skolverket (the Swedish National Agency for Education) and aim to support teachers in their sexuality education classes. This study examines how the material manages discourses regarding sexuality, heteronormativity and gender for students with disabilities. The material is also being compared with another educational material by Skolverket aimed for teachers in primary school. It is a qualitative study that is conducted with the method of a critical discourse analysis, through the perspective of crip theory and queer temporality, both developed within queer theory. The result of the studies shows, among other things, that Skolverket applies a norm-critical perspective in the material through a normats point of view, and by that means maintains the dichotomy between normat and disabled. Skolverket is also contributing to discourses regarding social norms, such as what is “right” and “wrong”, which can limit the students from exploring their sexuality.

The aim of the essay is to problematize the main characters' conception of identity in André Aciman's novel Call Me by Your Name. Due to Elio's inability to see himself and Oliver as continuously constructing and shifting bodies, the essay claims that the end of their relationship as they knew it during their summer in Italy was inevitable. By employing a critical discourse analysis and deconstructive approach, the way the characters position themselves during and after that summer is examined and critiqued. It is found that what contributes to the end of their relationship is their struggle with the multitude of aspects of their identities that are considered to be flaws or insufficiencies. Therefore, certain interests and aspects of their lives are kept a secret. In consequence, this secrecy hinders a full understanding of the other and reveals their idealization as wishful thinking, rather than reality.

The purpose of this study was to examine how the Swedish newspaper Aftonbladet wrote and constructed their articles about the FIFA World Cup 2018 and the FIFA Women’s World Cup 2019. The other purpose was to see if the Sweden men’s national football team and the Sweden women’s national football team got the same space in the newspaper and to see if the teams are portrayed in different ways. This study is based on both a quantitative content analysis and a critical discourse analysis. To do so we analyzed all of the articles that were published during both of the World Cups group stages. In total, the study examines 291 articles, split between two time periods. For our critical discourse analysis, we used six articles, all written the day after a game in the group stage.   The great conclusion that was made in our study showed that Aftonbladet more often wrote about the Sweden men’s national football team then they did about the Sweden women’s national football team. It was also common that the articles constructed about the men’s team were more likely to be about their achievements and their game on the pitch when the articles about the women’s team were more likely to be about feelings and their personal life. A pattern that we could follow during our study was that it was more often male journalists wrote about the men’s World Cup and that women wrote about the women’s World Cup.

Purpose: The purpose of this thesis is to examine how German newspapers discursively constructed the #MeToo movement in order to determine whether the hashtag campaign was legitimized or delegitimized. The ideological construction can be seen as an indication of social change or respectively the upholding of the status quo in regard to gender equality. Of further interest was how the coverage can be perceived as an example of a post-feminist sensibility in mainstream media.Approach: Relevant articles published during two time periods in 2017 and 2018, following defining events of the #MeToo movement, were retrieved from selected publications, including Die Welt, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Zeit. A qualitative critical discourse analysis applying Norman Fairclough’s (1995) three-dimensional approach was performed on 41 newspaper articles.Results: Through analysis, three main discursive strands emerged: (1) supportive coverage of #MeToo (2) opposing coverage of #MeToo (3) #MeToo as complex. The degree to which the articles adhered to these positions varied from publication to publication. The most conservative publication largely delegitimized the movement by, amongst others, drawing on a post-feminist discourse. Whereas the liberal publications predominantly constructed #MeToo as legitimate. Overall, there was little discussion of marginalized voices and opportunities for progressive solutions leading to social change. Conclusion: The analysis of the German media debate around #MeToo offers a perspective onto the tensions and potentials of the recent media-driven conversation about sexism and sexual harassment. Additionally, it gives some indication of the public attitudes towards gender issues in Germany.(Social) Implications: This thesis contributes to a growing pool of research on news media’s framing of social movements. With its critical impetus, it might add a small input to social change directed at gender equality.

This thesis is a critical analysis of the discourses used in online news headlines to reporttwo events that took place during 2018 Russian Presidential debates (on February 14,2018 and March 14, 2018) and focused on Ksenia Sobchak, the only female presidentialcandidate of the 2018 election. By analyzing 52 headlines published in Russia’s mostpopular and most read online news outlets, the purpose of this study is to investigatewhether there are any gender stereotypes used by the journalists to create a particularrepresentation of Sobchak, and to understand if, through this representation, a particularideology is put forward. The framework used to carry out the research is based onFairclough’s critical discourse analysis method combined with a sociolinguisticapproach influenced by Halliday. The application of this framework resulted in studyingthe three interrelated elements of discourse: sociocultural practices, which explore therole of women in the Russian political arena and put headlines under analysis into animmediate context; discourse practices, which focus on the peculiarities of online newsproduction, particularly headlines; and linguistic analysis of the headlines themselves,in which lexical choice, quotation patterns, and transitivity analyses were performed.The analysis revealed that headlines include hidden gender stereotypes, which alignwith Russia’s patriarchal ideology and which are used to represent Sobchak lessfavourably in comparison to her male opponents.