This study is done from an autobiographical perspective. It focuses on three issues: myths, the resurrection of Jesus from death, and the canon. It approaches the traditional ecclesiastical and confessional teachings from the perspective of a postmodern hermeneutics of suspicion. Being autobiographical, the study is in the first place relevant for its author. In the second place, because he is a researcher, the study has also relevance for the scholarly community. The faith community also asks their questions. Then there is the institutionalized church that is a watchdog for the dogma, and, lastly there is the secular community who is also interested in the debate. The study aims to find answers to the question how the myth of Easter faith developed into kerygma, which became a text with canonical status? It is a search for the relationship between myth, resurrection and canon. On the issue of myth, the study concludes that myth is just as important to postmoderns as it were to their pre-modern ancestors. The Christ myth is a first century Mediterranean version of an ancient inherited subconscious archetypal myth. It represents stories in the language, symbols, and metaphors of the cultures and peoples in which it originated. It is language recycled. On the question about the resurrection, the study concludes that the Christ cult and its narratives developed within a mythological worldview. First, there was the kerygma of a dying and resurrected Christ. Then narratives, as material for preaching in the early congregations emerged around the figure of the historical Jesus. The resurrection as the content of the kerygma is perceived as mythical speech that serves as the foundational myth for the Christ cult. The third issue was about the documents called canon and questions such as how did it emerge, and how did it become authority bearing? To recap the argument: In the beginning, there was the kerygma! The content of this kerygma was the death and resurrection of Christ. During the development stages of the Christ myth, this kerygma was linked to the life and death of the historical Jesus. His story became a mythical narrative that serves as the foundational myth for the Christ cult. It explains its reason for existence and its rituals. As this faith community grew and became more and more institutionalized it produced more and more literature. Orthodoxy in early Christianity decided which of these writings contain the truth and the right teaching. They are the books, which became the index of what is called the Christian Bible today. The author of this study believes in a canon behind the canon. For him, the Jesus figure is the “vehicle” that makes the content of the kerygma accessible. He is a mythological figure, with historical roots that has become the observable face of God to Christians. The New Testament represents kerygmatic narrative with an invitation to its readers and hearers to join in this mythological experience and encounter with God. / Thesis (DD (New Testament))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / New Testament Studies / unrestricted

Ancestor worship is conceived by some to be an outdated primitive custom with no relevance to modern society. However, this study shows that ancestor worship is still alive and well in numerous cultures and countries around the globe and that it is still practised in different forms today. This study focuses on the phenomenon of ancestor worship in Africa, Japan and Korea and specifically deals with the challenges it has posed to Christian missionaries in these contexts. Furthermore, this study examines the strategies which the Roman Catholic Church, the Protestant Church and Independent Churches have adopted to deal with this problem and the apparent mismatch with Christian theology. Therefore, the analysis of the phenomenon of ancestor worship is situated in the socio-cultural and religious paradigms of each of these countries and is examined in theological, missiological and Biblical terms. Most notably, the thesis attempts to determine whether or not ancestor worship can be considered to be a purely social and cultural phenomenon which carries certain ethical responsibilities in these cultures and whether or not it is congruent with Christian theology. This study has attempted to prove that in spite of the socio-cultural dimensions of ancestor worship and its rituals (with their ensuing ethical responsibilities in the cosmologies of these nations) it is still essentially worship. It is contended that ancestor worship is fundamentally a form of idolatry and contrary to the teachings of the Bible and is therefore does not articulate with Christian theology. The fundamental premise underlying the study is the ultimate authority of the Bible as the inspired word of God. This is a qualitative study which attempts to explore the phenomenon and rituals of ancestor worship on numerous levels. In each case the theological contributions of scholars in the field are evaluated and explored and ultimately benchmarked against the Biblical evidence. In the African context it is necessary therefore to look at African Christology and the attempts of scholars to contextualise the gospel in African terms. As such the continuity and discontinuity between traditional religion and the Bible is explored and the dangers of syncretism are addressed. The ultimate goal was to suggest a suitable approach for the Church to deal with the challenges which ancestor worship poses in these specific contexts. The study will motivate and argue for contextualisation as an appropriate mission principle in this regard. This takes into consideration the social responsibility which missionaries have towards the people to whom they introduce the gospel. The reason is that the close bond which exists between identity, culture and religion is acknowledged. If the religion or cultural practises are rejected because it does not comply with the Gospel’s requirements, then missionaries need to be sensitive to the void which they may create in the identity of the people and take appropriate steps to ameliorate the problem and avoid syncretism. / Thesis (PhD (Science of Religion and Missiology))--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Science of Religion and Missiology / unrestricted

Les dieux augustes, connus essentiellement par l’épigraphie, dotés du titre impérial d’Augustus/a comme épithète, constituent un aspect du « culte impérial » et témoignent d’une triple acculturation politique, religieuse et sociale. L’ « augustalisation » se rapporte à l’empereur mais ne fait pas de lui un dieu incarné ou un protégé des dieux. Elle exprime une synergie entre les dieux et l’empereur leur médiateur auprès des hommes. Le terme exclusif d’Augustus/a, renvoie à Romulus, aux auspices de l’imperator, à l’auctoritas, qui légitiment le Prince. Rares en Orient les dieux augustes sont surtout répandus en Occident, d’Auguste au début du IVè s. Les dieux romains choisis pour l’augustalisation sont moins les divinités politiques attendues que des dieux protecteurs et bienfaiteurs des cités et des particuliers. Sous les dieux à noms romains apparaissent nombre de divinités indigènes réinterprétées (interpretatio romana) qui avec les dieux purement indigènes conservent des racines locales. Par sa souplesse l’augustalisation intégre à l’Empire toutes ces identités provinciales. Propre aux milieux romanisés, l’augustalisation est avant tout pratiquée par les élites municipales qui, à travers leur évergétisme, la diffusent dans les campagnes et surtout dans la population urbaine, renforçant ainsi leur légitimité. Les augustales et les riches affranchis, prompts à les imiter, la répandent dans le reste de la population. Hauts fonctionnaires et militaires restent en retrait. Présents dans tout l’espace urbain les dieux augustes se concentrent dans les centres civiques et autres loci celeberrimi, où s’affiche le pouvoir. Scénographie urbaine et cérémonies expriment le consensus d’une société hiérarchisée autour des empereurs agents des dieux. L’augustalisation sacralise et légitime le pouvoir et groupe autour de lui une société acculturée aux identités multiples. / Augustan Gods, mainly known through epigraphy, commonly bestowed with the Imperial title Augustus/a as an epithet, are part of the « imperial cult » and represented a threefold political, religious and social acculturation. « Augustalization » does refer to the emperor but in that case he couldn’t be considered as an incarnate god or even be seen as protected by the gods. It implied a synergy between the gods and the emperor who stood as their mediator, remaining close to men. The exclusive term Augustus/a refers to Romulus, to the auspices of the imperator, to auctoritas which made the Prince legitimate. Although quite rare in the East augustan gods were commonly well-spread in the West, from Augustus’s reign until the early years of the IVth century. The Roman gods chosen for augustalization were not really the political divinities which might be expected to be found but more likely benevolent gods protecting the cities and their inhabitants. Under the gods carrying Roman names we can discover numerous native divinities which had been reinterpreted (interpretatio romana) and which, with the purely indigenous gods, keep their local roots. With a particular suppleness augustalization integrated into the Empire all these provincial identities. Characteristic of all the backgrounds influenced by romanization, augustalization was first and foremost used by the municipal elite, who, through their evergetism, spread it in the rural areas but mainly among the urban population, thus strenghtening their legitimacy. Augustales and rich freedmen, quick to imitate elite, spread it among the rest of the population. High-ranking officials and officers stayed in the background. Constantly present in all the urban areas augustan gods concentrated their presence in civic centres and other loci celeberrimi where the strenth of the political power was obviously seen. Urban scenographies and ceremonies reveal the consensus of all the members of a strong social hierarchy structured around the emperors seen as the direct go-betweens to the gods. Augustalization made the power even more sacred and legitimate and gathered around its symbolic representation an acculturated society with its manyfold identities.

The thesis introduces the Juche ideology and examines its impact on the North Korean regime. The main objective is to evaluate the role of the DPRK in the system of international relations, with regard to the Juche ideology. Due to the fact that in the DPRK and the mutual relations with other countries, it is very difficult to find a direct link with the ideas of proclaimed ideology, the main characteristics for a given pair of countries is emphasised. Mutual relations with five countries, which are articipating in the six-party talks with DPRK(the disarmament process is discussed in a separate section of thesis) are commented on. The role of the European Union is mentioned, because in the future, the EU could happen for several reasons, an important partner for the DPRK.

Uppåkra is a centralplace in Scania, southern Sweden, where religion and cult have been of great importance. The cult has been important in the Iron Age society for rulers but also for blacksmiths and the general population. Just like Borg, Gudme and Järrestad, Uppåkra has probably emerged with the development of agriculture. When agriculture developed trade grew and eventually power. Hence could centralplaces finally form. Centralplaces have probably also affected its hinterland positive, as they could take part of the centralplaces financial position.

This research presents an ethnographic investigation into symbols used in rituals which are in different spaces of the ceremony of Candomblé de Xoroquê located in Maceió, Alagoas, Brazil. As starting point, the research presents the importance assumed by these symbolic elements in the composition of the two ritual spaces of the house (the location where the ritual works), considering this dynamic is shown essential in legitimizing the |terreiro| as Candomblé spaces to worship, that is distinct from Umbanda´s houses. The analysis on this is centered on the organization of the |terreiro|, according to the logic of organization of the ritual, as there a big shack in which only happen rites of the orishas, and other reserved to the umbandists entities. The methodology included the fieldwork and the ethnographic analysis, believing that these tools are essential to understand the apparent ambiguity shown by the house. Whereas that decompose the variables used at religious structure of the |Terreiro Ogun Xoroquê| becomes effective from the coexistence and participation with the studied group, at the routine presence and interpretation of the faithful towards their daily actions in the spaces of the temple. Therefore, to analyze the role assumed by the symbols in each of the different rites, emerges as a key part in the apprehension of the complementary character of the two spaces, and consequently among the gods of the two religiosities. Based on this, it is possible consider that the Umbandists entities performs a complementary role relative to the big shed of the orishas. Being, therefore, essential in the preservation and maintenance of the home of the African Gods. However, for the Holy Father´s house, Manoel Xoroquê, as well as their children, designate themselves socially as Candomblé is to validate the authenticity of the |Terreiro|, according to their African ancestry. However, the daily practices clarify that the spaces receives the same attention because they are utmost importance in the religious practices of the house of Xoroquê. / A presente dissertação tem por objetivo etnografar os símbolos rituais nos diferentes espaços de cerimônias do Candomblé de Xoroquê, situado em Maceió-AL. Toma-se como ponto de partida, a importância assumida por esses elementos na composição dos dois espaços rituais da casa, tendo em vista que essa dinâmica se mostra essencial na legitimação do terreiro como culto de Candomblé, que se identifica, distinto das casas de Umbanda. Centraliza-se nessa análise a organização do terreiro, segundo a lógica de separação dos ritos, tendo em vista que existe um barracão no qual acontecem somente os ritos dos orixás, e outro reservado às entidades umbandistas. O caminho metodológico compreendeu o trabalho de campo e a análise etnográfica, acreditando que estas são ferramentas primordiais na compreensão da aparente ambiguidade demonstrada pela casa, no que tange à construção de suas identidades religiosas. Visto que decompor as variáveis utilizadas na estruturação religiosa do terreiro de Ogum Xoroquê se efetiva a partir da convivência e participação com o grupo pesquisado, momento no qual se presencia a rotina e interpretação dos fiéis para suas ações cotidianas nos espaços do templo. Dessa forma, analisar a função assumida pelos símbolos em cada um dos diferentes ritos, surge como parte fundamental na apreensão do caráter complementar dos dois espaços e, consequentemente, entre os deuses das duas religiosidades. Com base nisso, é possível considerar que as entidades umbandistas desempenham papel central, além de sua complementaridade, em relação ao barracão dos orixás. Sendo, por esta razão, indispensáveis na preservação e manutenção da morada dos deuses africanos. Contudo, para o pai de santo da casa, Manoel Xoroquê, bem como aos seus filhos, designar-se socialmente como Candomblé é validar a autenticidade do terreiro segundo sua legítima ancestralidade africana. No entanto, as práticas cotidianas esclarecem, conforme presenciado, que os espaços recebem igual atenção por serem de suma importância dentro do que para os praticantes compõe as práticas religiosas da Casa de Xoroquê.

On démontre trois choses dans ce travail : 1) L’histoire politique de la Macédoine, sous les Antigonides, est à comprendre à partir du problème du charisme et de ce que Weber appelle sa « quotidiennisation ». 2) Ce processus dépend d’une forme de sociologie, qui fait s’alterner pente à la construction d’une bureaucratie et nécessité d’une remotivation périodique de l’institution monarchique. 3) Cette sociologie s’enracine enfin dans la nature même du social, tantôt pratique démotivée, tantôt réenchantée, comme on le vérifiera ici à partir du problème du culte aux dirigeants et de la croyance. / This Phd studies the relationship between kings and subjects in Macedonia. It has three goals. 1) To give a comprehensive history of the Antigonids, by using Weber’s concepts (charisma and routinization) on three topics (King’s body, kings and queen, the constitution of a bureaucracy). 2) To study the hesitation of this regime between pomp and simplicity (kolakeia, parrêsia, hellenistic palace). 3) To ling this structural feature with a reflection on the nature of the Kingdom (by studying the ruler’s cult : did the Greek believec in their divinity ? What is belief ?)

Pour les Grecs de l’antiquité, la religion était indiscernable du reste de la vie quotidienne – au point que dans la polis, le concept d’une « division de la religion et de l’État », comme il est connu aujourd’hui, n’existe pas. La musique, ou l’idée grecque de μουσική, fonctionne de même, comme faisant partie intégrale de leurs rites et, par extension, de leur façon de vie; c’est-à-dire la musique et la religion deviennent une idée centrale à leur identité culturelle. Plusieurs de cultes civiques, comme par exemple le culte dionysiaque, utilisaient toujours la musique dans leurs rites – beaucoup d’exemples existent en antiquité qui montrent le rôle de la musique dans la pratique du culte, comme les images sur les vases et les murales, les hymnes, etc. L’orphisme, ou le culte qui utilisaient les écritures qui venaient prétendument du musicien légendaire Orphée, diffèrent des autres rites civiques dans la façon qu’il y en a des aspects plus ou moins obscurés. Il n’y a pas beaucoup d’information sur leurs rites hormis des écritures comme le papyrus de Derveni, un poème orphique qui détaille une théogonie pareille à celui d’Hésiode et les hymnes orphiques, qui changent la façon qui l’orphisme était vu dans le deuxième moitié du 20ème siècle. Ce mémoire va donc utiliser ces sources pour découvrir le rôle de la musique dans les rites orphiques en antiquité tout en faisant des comparaisons entre l’orphisme et les traditions établies des autres cultes civiques. En regardant aussi l’utilisation des instruments et les autres conventions ritualistes, ce mémoire va découvrir le rôle d’orphisme dans la polis grecque. / For the Greeks in Antiquity, religion was indiscernible from the rest of their daily lives – so much so that within the polis, the concept of a “separation between church and state”, in the way it is known today, did not exist. In this same realm of thought, music also functioned in a much similar way, an integral part of their religious ceremonies and, by extension, their way of life; through this, their music and religion became central to their idea of cultural identity. Many civic cults, such as the cult to Dionysus, utilized music to its fullest effect – many examples that detail the role that music played in their cult worship survive from antiquity, which vary from images found on vases and murals to hymns and other ritual texts. Orphism, or the cult which utilized writings said to have been passed down by the legendary musician Orpheus, differs from many other religious groups around Greece in that many aspects of it remain wrapped in an enigma. Not much is known about the specific cult practices outside of a few writings and inscriptions, including the Derveni papyrus, an analysis of an Orphic poem outlining a theogony similar to that of Hesiod, and the Orphic Hymns, both of which which are changing the way scholarship on these practices has been viewed through the years. This thesis will, therefore, use these sources in order to discover the role that music played in the cult rituals of Orphism during this period while also making comparisons between Orphism and the established traditions of other civic cults. Taking into account the utilization of instruments and other ritualistic conventions, this thesis hopes then to uncover Orphism’s overall role in the Greek polis.

Le culte de possession autour de María Lionza connaît une importante phase d’expansion au début du XXème siècle, lorsque des flux migratoires intenses se dirigent non seulement vers les champs d’exploitation pétrolière mais aussi vers les espaces urbains qui, en étant les principaux bénéficiaires du miracle économique entraîné par la découverte de l’ « or noir », s’engagent dans un processus vertigineux de modernisation. Originaire du Centre-Nord du Venezuela, cette dévotion s’est donc consolidée parallèlement à l’essor du modèle économique rentier et de l’édification d’un État centralisé bien décidé à mettre en ouevre un ambitieux programme d’unification nationale dont l’historiographie patriotique, alors largement promue par les pouvoirs publics, était le fil conducteur. Curieusement, les grands symboles de cette cosmogonie républicaine se retrouveront progressivement dans les centres « spirites » marialionceros qui prolifèrent surtout en ville : ainsi, vers la fin des années 1950, de nombreuses figures historiques (comme le cacique Guaicaipuro ou le Libertador Simón Bolívar) s’intègrent peu à peu aux autels de culte, toujours prêts à accueillir de nouvelles entités. Ces personnages, désormais considérés comme des divinités, communiquent directement avec les adeptes par le biais de médiums lors du rituel sacré de la transe. Cette thèse s’interroge sur la nature et le sens des interférences et des possibles chevauchements entre les représentations du passé véhiculées par l’État-nation vénézuélien, et celles mises en avant dans le culte de María Lionza. En explorant les métamorphoses subies par la dévotion depuis le XXème siècle, nous examinerons l’extraordinaire capacité de ce phénomène religieux à récupérer des épisodes précis du passé, depuis la Conquête et les guerres d’indépendance jusqu’à la modernité pétrolière non exempte de contradictions. Dans cette démarche, la notion de « mémoire collective » joue un rôle central, puisque cette réappropriation suppose avant tout la réélaboration, au gré des crises politiques et économiques qui ont secoué le pays, de l’Histoire telle qu’elle se présente dans le discours officiel. À partir d’une enquête de terrain menée dans le lieu de pèlerinage le plus important du culte de María Lionza, la montagne de Sorte (État de Yaracuy, Venezuela), nous décrypterons les trames mémorielles qui s’imbriquent et s’enchevêtrent dans ce culte tout au long des deux derniers siècles tout en réfléchissant sur les nouvelles lectures, parfois tout à fait inattendues, qu’elles offrent du passé commun. À cet effet, nous proposerons d’abord une analyse détaillée de la géographie sacrée de Quibayo (montagne de Sorte), pour montrer comment les représentations d’autres époques qui s’y sédimentent vont de pair avec des périodes de crispation sociale dont les coups et les contrecoups ont marqué différentes générations d’adeptes. Ensuite, nous nous intéresserons à la dimension performative de la mémoire collective, en jetant un regard sur l’une des lignées d’esprit les plus populaires, les Indiens, et sa mise en scène dans le principal rituel de possession collectif, « la danse sur le feu ». Enfin, nous retracerons l’évolution récente du culte dans cette période d’enthousiasme révolutionnaire, et nous mesurerons l’impact du retour en force de l’idéologie nationaliste sur la dévotion. / The cult of possession around María Lionza experienced a period of growth at the beginning of the twentieth century, when the heavy flow of migrants supplied not only the operation of the oilfields but also the urban spaces which, as the principal beneficiaries of the economic miracle created by the discovery of the “black gold”, underwent a dizzying process of modernization. This devotion to María Lionza, which originated in the north central region of Venezuela, was therefore strengthened in parallel with the rise of the rentier economic model and the erection of a centralised State determined to implement an ambitious programme of national unification in which the patriotic historiography, then broadly promoted by the authorities, was the driving force. Curiously, the great symbols of this republican cosmogony would gradually come to be found in the “spirit” centres (marialionceros) which flourished, especially in cities: thus, in the late 1950s, several historic figures (such as the Chief Guaicaipuro and the Liberator Simón Bolívar) were gradually integrated into the devotional altars, which were always ready to accept new entities. These characters, who came to be seen as divinities, communicate directly with the followers of the cult through mediums during the sacred trance ritual. This thesis examines the nature and sense of the interferences and possible overlaps between the representations of the past transmitted by the Venezuelan nation-state, and those promoted by the cult of María Lionza. Through an exploration of the mutations undergone by this religious devotion in the twentieth century, we examine the extraordinary capacity of this religious phenomenon to retrieve certain episodes of the past, from the Spanish Conquest and the Wars of Independence to the contradictory oil-based modernity. Within this approach, the notion of “collective memory” plays a central role, because this re-appropriation essentially presupposes the re-elaboration, in accordance with the political and economic crises which have shaken the country, of Venezuela’s history as seen in scholarly discourse. Starting with a field survey carried out at the most important pilgrimage site of the cult of María Lionza, the Sorte Mountain (Yaracuy state), we explain the threads of memory which have become intertwined and entangled in the cult over the course of the last two centuries, while offering a consideration of the new, sometimes completely unsuspected readings which they offer of the shared past. For this purpose, we offer firstly a detailed analysis of the sacred geography of Quibayo (Sorte Mountain) to demonstrate how the collected representations of previous times work in tandem with the historical periods of social tension whose coups and countercoups marked different generations of devotees. We then turn to the performative dimension of collective memory, by focusing on one of the most popular spiritual approaches, that of the Indians, and their staging of the principal ritual of collective possession, the “dance over coals”. Finally, we trace the recent development of the cult in this period of revolutionary fervour, and measure the impact of the powerful return of a nationalist ideology on this religious devotion.

Depuis les travaux fondateurs de M. Nilsson, on admet que les cultes grecs de l’époque archaïque héritent des pratiques rituelles des Mycéniens. Pendant toute la période qui s’étend du XIIIe au début du Ve siècle, et au delà, sont surtout consacrées par dépôt, par crémation, et par libation, des denrées issues des travaux des hommes, animaux domestiques, végétaux cultivés et liquides provenant de l’agriculture et de l’élevage. Des évolutions majeures affectent cependant l’organisation de la vie religieuse au cours de ces huit siècles ayant connu des crises, des changements de régime, des déplacements de population importants. Il ne convient cependant pas nécessairement d’opposer les aspects statiques et dynamiques : même les héritages les plus anciens ont progressivement été adaptés aux contextes nouveaux, et c’est particulièrement vrai de ceux qui concernent les consécrations d’offrandes alimentaires. Parce qu’elles s’articulent avec les besoins essentiels de l’homme comme « animal politique » autant qu’elles s’en détachent, ces dernières focalisent l’attention du chercheur sur ce que les actes de culte disent de la place du sacré dans les sociétés grecques en mutation. De l’époque mycénienne à la fin de l’époque archaïque les pratiques religieuses sont des enjeux de pouvoir. La répartition des prérogatives au cours des cérémonies, la définition d’un corpus de denrées jugées adéquates pour les consécrations, et la possibilité, ou non, de partager avec le divin, reflètent et cimentent l’organisation socio-politique des communautés. Si les accidents de la vie religieuse accompagnent ceux de la vie sociale et politique, ils témoignent aussi de l’évolution des mentalités. Propice au développement de la science et de la philosophie, l’époque archaïque a particulièrement favorisé les questionnements sur la pratique des cultes, et les réflexions sur la construction d’un espace sacré singulier. / Since M. Nilsson’s work, it is accepted that the Greeks of the Archaic Period have inherited some of their religious habits from the Mycenaean era. From the XIIIth down to the VIth century BCE, the Greeks offered to their gods parts taken from domestic animals, cultivated plants, and drinkable liquids by burning them, depositing them in an appropriate place, or pouring them. Still, during eight centuries where there have been huge crisis, political disruptions, and population displacements, major religious changes took place. Those suggest that even practices that seem to have been the same have enventually been adapted to new contexts. This is especially the case for those associated with food offerings. Because they are closely related to the basic needs of humans, but can still be pretty distant from them, food offerings encourage researchers to focus on what religious practices tell us about how sacred matters were embeded into Greek mutating societies. From the Mycenaean down to the Archaic period, cult is an instrument of power. The social and political organisation of Greek communities was both represented and reinforced by the distribution of religious privileges, the definition of which goods were suitable for the offerings, and the possibility, or impossibility, for everyone to share with the gods. Religion and politic share an intimate relationship, but cult practices also closely reflect how the Greeks thought the world they lived in. New questions about religion and the definition of sacred space naturally followed the development of philosophy during the archaic period.