This thesis explores aspects of what happened to the state Church of Sweden during the rise of the importance of public opinion and the evolution of the democratic nation state. Denmark provides the most well known Nordic example of how an old state Church became a democratic Folk (i.e. National) Church during this general transition. By comparing the Swedish with the Danish case, this study elucidates the less well known Folk Church ideology in Sweden. In Denmark a strong agrarian movement influenced by revivalism managed to take hold of public opinion making the state Church a part of the Danish national identity. Such a movement never appeared in the more industrialised Sweden. Instead a secular working class movement took hold of public and national opinion. The investigation is focused upon Harald Hallén (1884-1967), a pastor and a Social Democratic Member of Parliament. Lacking the revival elements of the Danish nationalism Hallén found that in order to get a Folk Church accepted within the secular Working class movement, it had to rest upon the heritage of the Enlightenment. Hallén regarded the Church as an expression of common ethical values within the Swedish nation. The Folk Church was supposed to strengthen existing ideals for a righteous socialist society by delivering the message of the Kingdom of God. Hallén strove to make the Church more democratic in order to express this ethical folk religion. Social Democratic nationalism became the dominant factor in Swedish political life between 1905 and 1933. The period was characterised by conflicts. First Hallén and those whom he represented fought against the Youth Church movement, which strove to establish another Folk Church ideology, by supporting the Swedish King against the rise of political Democracy. Later on, within his own Social Democratic party, Hallén fought his battle against the Marxist view of the state Church as a simple reflection of the dominant class. Hallén was in line with the political development, which resulted in a period of solid Social Democratic nation building from the 1930s onwards. From that decade on the Folk Church ideology of Hallén was established.

This thesis is a contribution to a hitherto neglected area of research: The African Pentecostal Churches, that do not belong to those called African Indigenous Churches (AICs). It is a case study from the perspective of southern Burundi, the periphery of the ancient kingdom. The Pentecostal Movement in Burundi was born in the encounter between Swedish Pentecostal missionaries and the population in the southern part of the country. This study highlights what happened in that encounter. The thesis consists of six parts. The first is a survey of the Pentecostal Movement in Sweden. The diachronic structure of parts two to five focuses on the development within the Burundian Pentecostal Churches and their relationship to the Burundian society 1935-1960. In the sixth part the diachronic approach is augmented by structural analyses, showing how aspects in the Pentecostal Movement developed. The Pentecostal missionaries accepted in part the traditional world view, the belief in a spiritual world and non-rational explanations to misfortunes in life. They encouraged the Burundians to do spiritual experiences, and especially the baptism in the Holy Ghost. The Burundian evangelists and church elders played a decisive role. It was their task to reformulate the Pentecostal message in Kirundi, which was not spoken by the missionaries. They moulded the message into a Burundian Pentecostal message, at the same time respecting the teaching of the early missionaries. They succeeded in doing that so well that the Pentecostal Movement became a popular movement, in certain places the dominating Christian denomination, in spite of the parallel work done by the Catholic Church, encouraged and supported by the Belgian state. This thesis builds on material taken mainly from unpublished sources from archives in Burundi, Sweden, Rome, Great Britain and Denmark. These are supplemented by interviews, most of them made by the author.

Esta pesquisa associa a enunciação fílmica ao âmbito do traumático e da repetição, procedimento que produz variações que constituem uma imagem fundamental. Esta imagem não pode ser configurada materialmente no relato, só vislumbrada através justamente das variações, das repetições com diferenças. A inacessibilidade da imagem fundamental reside justamente em sua pregnância, sua perfeição na articulação de sentidos e de significação na síntese. A imagem fundamental pode, por sua vez, dialogar também com o traumático na instância do enunciado, dos significados que podem ser constituídos e alterados a partir do procedimento de repetição dos acontecimentos no decorrer da narrativa. A pesquisa utiliza o Dogma 95 para estudo: o Dogma #1, \"Festa de Família\", e do Dogma #2 \"Os idiotas\", filme que constitui juntamente \"Ondas do destino\" e \"Dançando no Escuro\", a Trilogia Coração de Ouro, de Lars von Trier. / This research associates the filmic enunciation to the extent of the traumatic and its repetition procedure. The variations produced by repetition constitute a fundamental image that cannot be configured in the narrative. This image can only be glimpsed through its variations, its repetitions with differences. The inaccessibility of the fundamental image rests exactly in its pregnancy, its perfect articulation of senses and its possibility of meaning through synthesis. The fundamental image can also dialog with the traumatic in the instance of the story, of the meanings that can be produced and modified by the repetition of the narrative events. This research uses Dogma 95 films: Dogme #1, \"Celebration\", and Dogme #2 - \"The idiots\" which with \"Breaking the waves\" and \"Dancer in the Dark\" constitute Lars von Trier\'s Heart of Gold Trilogy.

Studien undersöker i hur stor utsträckning de skandinaviska översättarna använder samma metoder när de översätter. För att kunna studera detta undersöks den danska, norska och svenska översättningen av den franska romanen L’élégance du hérisson med hjälp av Vinay och Darbelnets (1958/1977) metodologi. I studien kommer också översättarna till tals om de situationella faktorer som kringgärdat översättningsprojektet. Det största fokuset ligger på de indirekta översättningsmetoderna, eftersom det är dessa som visar på de största skillnaderna. Resultaten visar att översättarna väljer samma metoder i 42 % av den totala översatta textmassan. Resultaten visar också att den danska översättningen har störst användning av indirekta översättningsmetoder och därmed också är den måltext som avviker mest från källtexten, medan den norska måltexten är rik på så kallad traduction littérale och ligger närmast källtexten. / The study investigates to what extent the Scandinavian translators use the same methods when translating. The Danish, Norwegian and Swedish translations of the French novel L’élégance du hérisson are analyzed using Vinay and Darbelnet’s (1958/1977) methodology. In the present study the translators are also questioned about so called situational factors that might have influenced the translation process and its outcome. There is a major focus on the methods that are characterized by indirect translation, since these in a clear way indicate differences. Results show that the translators use the same methods in 42 % of the cases in the analyzed material. Results also show that the indirect translation methods are widely used in the Danish target text and it hence also distances itself the farthest from the source text, whereas the Norwegian target text is rich in litteral translation and closest to the source text.

The purpose of this essay is to analyze why the Sweden Democrats (SD) continued to grow in the 2018 election, while the Danish Peoples Party (DF) lost over half of their support in the election in 2019. By using a structured, focused comparative method, the essay analyses the similar political systems of Denmark and Sweden, focusing on the traditional established parties’ different strategies to gain back the voters lost to populists. The analysis concludes that the success of SD and failure of DF can be contributed to ineffective strategies by Sweden’s traditional parties and a more effective strategy in the Danish case. Sweden’s established parties used isolating strategies by demonizing SD and their voters as extremists, paving way for SD to use populist political communication. In the danish case, most established parties have legitimized DF by co-opting their stances on immigration. The blue block has cooperated with DF in the Danish government.  By anchoring the analysis in theories about favorable conditions for populism, the main conclusion is that SD, because of the established parties’ isolating strategies, have been able to use populist political communication to present themselves as a distinct political alternative which mobilizes voters. DF have not had this opportunity, due to the co-optation, cooperation and broad consensus on their main issues

This thesis examines and explains how the three Scandinavian populist radical right parties, the Sweden Democrats, the Danish People’s Party and the Progress Party approaches the climate issue in their latest manifesto, and how it has changed over a period of ten years. By means of a content analysis and categorisations of climate scepticism, climate omission and climate measures, this thesis finds explicit evidence of climate scepticism in the Progress Party whereas there is no such evidence for the Sweden Democrats and the Danish People’s Party completely omits the issue. On the other hand, there is evidence of measures to fight climate change in the Progress Party, and the same goes for the Sweden Democrats. However, the only relevant difference when comparing the manifestos over a ten-year period is a decreased usage of statement connected to both climate scepticism and climate action in the Progress Party’s manifestos.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / After the democratic elections of 1994, the South African government embarked on radical reforms to the apartheid education system, which included the development of a policy that is committed to human rights and social justice. The inclusive education policy, entitled: Education White Paper 6: Special Needs Education: Building an Inclusive Education and Training System (Department of Education, 2001) was released in July 2001. This inclusive education policy brought with it the prospect of changing the structures that promoted exclusionary and discriminatory practices in the education system. While the inclusive education framework is characterised by explicit policy directives, well-defined outcomes and a firm commitment to human rights and social justice, there is a growing realisation that a considerable gap exists between this framework and its effective implementation. The main aim of this study was to understand the factors that facilitate or constrain the implementation of inclusive education in the South African context. These factors were explored through a qualitative case study. A documentary analysis, as well as unstructured and semi-structured interviews was used to collect the data within the context of the research aims, questions, and a framework of categories, drawn from relevant literature, was used to analyse the data. The first major finding of this study was that the implementation of inclusive education policy in South Africa has been facilitated by the school communities' beliefs, values and norms relating to the inclusion of learners with disabilities. The second major fmding of this study is that the designers of the inclusive education policy underestimated the deep-seated socio-economic factors that inhibit effective learning in certain contexts. Poverty was identified as a major constraining factor in the study, followed by the complexities of the National Curriculum Statement, a lack of capacity to implement the policy, lack of support for policy implementation, and the limitations of the Education White Paper 6 itself. Given the facilitating and constraining factors emerging from this study, the recommendations made have been based on the assumption that the implementation of inclusive education policy is a worthwhile endeavour. These recommendations are proposed within three broad areas, namely policy implementation, inclusive education policy, and inclusive education practice. Of these recommendations the following are critical: • The Department of Education should develop differentiated inclusive education guidelines that address inclusion of learners in poverty stricken contexts. • The Department of Education, in conjunction with schools, should create formal and informal communication channels through which stakeholders can raise their views and concerns about the policy of inclusive education and how it should be implemented. • The Department of Education should take full responsibility for the advocacy, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of inclusive education policy, rather than relying on the services of independent providers. • The Department of Education should address the complexities that prevent districts and schools from establishing support structures.

本論文は19世紀のデンマーク社会にディアコニッセとディアコニアの働きを広めるために尽力したハラルド・スタインのディアコニア思想に光を当てる。スタインは、産業革命や社会主義の台頭により激変する社会において、キリスト教会は人々の身体的、霊的救いに力を尽くすべきだと考え、キリスト教の愛の業すなわちディアコニアの働きを教会に根付かせようとした。スタインのディアコニアの働きの理想と実践はのちのデンマークの社会民主主義の政権にも継承された。 / This study sheds light on the ideas of Harald Stein, who did his utmost to spread the work of deaconesses and diakonia in 19th century Denmark. In a society rapidly changing under the influence of industrialization and socialism, Stein thought the Christian Church ought to aim at saving people physically and spiritually, and he sought to plant the Christian Works of Love, i.e., the work of diakonia, in the Church. The ideals and practices of Stein's work of diakonia were later inherited by the Danish Social Democratic governments. / 博士(神学) / Doctor of Theology / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

The purpose of this thesis aimed at trying to find out why the Sweden Democrats have increased their support, to become the second largest party in the Swedish parliament, while, the Danish People’s Party, has lost the majority of their support after being the second largest party in the Danish parliament to almost falling out a few years later. Is it possible for the Sweden Democrats to share the same fate? To find this out, we’ve decided to conduct this study using a qualitative comparative method, with a Most Similar System Design. The analysis mainly consists of two concepts to explain this phenomenon which are “Cordon Sanitaire” and “Normalization”.  The results of the analysis show that in Denmark, the Danish People’s Party’s views and policies on migration, have gotten normalized across the political spectrum. As such, they can no longer argue that they are anti-establishment, but instead, they have become a part of the establishment themselves. In Sweden, the Sweden Democrats have been kept out of power, with a “cordon sanitaire”, and thus their view and policies have not gotten normalized and adopted by other parties, and therefore they have continued to grow. An interesting aspect of this is that recently, the Sweden Democrats have gotten normalized and they are now a support party for a right-wing government, which we argue might lead to a similar situation as in Denmark, meaning that the Sweden Democrats might lose support in the future.

För att bedöma mäns spermiekvalitet och därmed pars chanser till en graviditet har standardparametrar tidigare använts som fertilitetsindikator, men har visat sig vara en mindre tillförlitlig metod. Därför har en ny metod som bygger på flödescytometri och kallas Sperm Chromatin Structure Assay (SCSA) utvecklats som fokuserar på spermiernas arvsmassa, och som då har visat sig vara en mycket mer tillförlitlig metod. Syftet med denna studie var att jämföra DNA Fragmentations Index (DFI) -värde mellan svenska och danska män och se om en signifikant skillnad finns. För att uppfylla detta späddes och färgades spermaproven in och analyserades med SCSA, som därefter gav hur stor andel av spermiernas DNA som är defekt, vilket presenterades som ett procentuellt DFI-värde. Resultatet visade en signifikant skillnad av medianvärdet mellan svenska och danska män med avseende på DFI, där svenska män hade högre medianvärde än de danska männen. Detta i kombination med tidigare forskning som gjordes mellan svenska och danska män och som visade att svenska män hade bättre kvalitet än danska män med avseende på standardparametrarna, stödjer tidigare forskning som visar på att det ej finns ett samband mellan standardparametrar och DFI. Dock hade ytterligare forskning av skillnaderna mellan svenska och danska män behövts, för att validera fynden i denna studie. / To assess men's sperm quality and thus couples' chances of pregnancy, standard parameters have previously been used as a fertility indicator, but have proven to be a less reliable method. Therefore, a new method based on flow cytometry called Sperm Chromatin Structure Assay (SCSA) has been developed which focuses on the sperm's genetic mass, and which has been shown to be a much more reliable method. The purpose of this study was to compare the DNA Fragmentation Index (DFI) value between Swedish and Danish men and see if a significant difference exists. To fulfill this, the sperm samples were diluted and stained and analyzed with SCSA, which then gave the ratio of the sperm's DNA that is defective, which was presented as a percentage DFI value. The result showed a significant difference in the median value between Swedish and Danish men with regard to DFI, where Swedish men had a higher median value than the Danish men. This, in combination with previous research that has been done between Swedish and Danish men which showed that Swedish men had better quality than Danish men in regards to the standard parameters, supports previous research that shows that there is no connection between standard parameters and DFI. However, further research into the differences between Swedish and Danish men is needed to validate the findings in this study.