µL

Authoritative period, party-state are integrative relation, the government has enough resources to control the society, political personages do not need to depend on the entrepreneur under the control of party-state. With the gradual transitions of ' the political structure ' and ' economic structure ', the Kuomintang government must transfer to obtain legitimacy of dominion by electing and economic development, the opposition party also can develop under this kind of environment, so government-business relations has changed. In brief, research of this thesis is to study government-business relations of Taiwan whether has the new appearance behind the transition of ruling Parties and under the changes of the Cross-Straits relations. Research of this thesis is to analysis concrete change of government-business relations under the different presidents head the administration' period. Finding in this thesis that the policy government-business relations of Taiwan appear type of ' big government and small enterprise ' in authoritative period (before 1987), and government have high independence to control the society in one party authoritarian, among the government and enterprise build and construct out an ' unequal government-business relations '. After martial law(1987- 2000), government-business relations appear type of' middle government and small enterprise ', enterprises no longer receive government's comprehensive control under the challenge of the opposition, government-business relations is changed into a kind of ' unequal ally's relation '. government-business relations appear type of 'middle government middle enterprise ' after transition of ruling parties(2000- 2004),the politician helps the entrepreneur to try or influence the policy, but the entrepreneur offers campaign financing for politician , therefore t government-business relations is turned into ' the relation of the equality and mutual benefit '. With the promotion of the trading tie between Taiwan and China, ' the Cross-Straits relations 'become the important key influencing government-business relations of Taiwan to change gradually. In the theory meaning, this means capitalist physique of Taiwan, already from the bureaucracy capitalist and leading systems of authoritative times make the transition for the system with leading folk capital gradually, the independence of state apparatus relative to folk capital of is reducing day by day, and the influence power of the folk capital to the decision-making process of state apparatus rises day by day. Meanwhile , the Cross-Straits relations become the enough factor influencing government-business relations inside Taiwan, therefore Chinese Government make state apparatus pass the operation of trading ties of the Cross-Straits gradually to influence government-business relations of Taiwan and decision-making process of the g state apparatus of Taiwan inside Taiwan, even weaken the state apparatus independence of Taiwan, thus state apparatus of Taiwan face the double crisis coming from native folk capital and Chinese state apparatus .

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1989.

In a surprising turn of events Chen Shui-bien won the 2000 presidential election in Taiwan, and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) became the ruling party of Taiwan. This marked a dramatic change in Taiwan's China policy, in that the DPP's China policy was quickly characterized by Taiwan’s objection to the one China principle, the DPP’s insistence on cross-Strait relations is a two-state’s relationship and emphasize Taiwan independence. However, Chen's actions prompted China to pass the Anti-Secession Law in March of 2005 and to force Chen and the DPP to moderate Taiwan’s China Policy. Part of the reasons for Chen's provocative actions toward China and China's response are Taiwan's domestic politics where elections control what the political parties do. The electoral factor in Taiwan has had a critical effect of the establishment of the DPP’s China policy. Therefore, the electoral factor in Taiwan’s domestic politics influences the DPP’s China policy because the DPP is primarily motivated by maintaining their power through vote maximization in elections and uses Taiwan’s China policy as a tool to increase their vote totals. This thesis explores how such domestic political issues have affected Chen and the DPP's China policy and China's response. It also explores how these domestic factors will affect Taiwan's China policy in the future under the DPP. Keywords: Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Taiwan domestic politics, DPP’s China policy, elections in Taiwan.

Democratic politics is a process where political elites compete for votes (Schumpeter, 1950) and therefore campaign communication is an indispensable area in it. In the beginning, campaign communication focused more on public policy promotion (Peng, 2005) and now is campaign-communication oriented to define communication strategies adopted in election campaign. Election campaign becomes fiercer after party politics takes root in Taiwan and that is where campaign advertising comes in. Purposes of campaign advertising by a candidate or party include image shaping, promotion of campaign issue and statement of political platform and achievements. We examined campaign literature of Democratic Progressive Party in 2010 Kaohsiung Mayoral Election and adopted Cognitive Continuum Theory (CCT) to analyze how appeal of campaign advertising influenced voter. Quasi-experiment was adopted. 45 questionnaires were issued to 45 participants individually due to the nature of the questionnaire. Results indicate that voters in Kaohsiung are more intuitive and support a candidate more because of the candidate¡¦s image than his/her platform. Reflect Kaohsiung voters' cognitive characteristics to be more intuitive. These cognitive characteristics show not only economic but serious social issues in Kaohsiung.

Taiwan’s February 28 Incident happened in 1947 as a set of popular protests against the postwar policies of the Nationalist Party, and it then sparked militant actions and political struggles of Taiwanese but ended with military suppression and political persecution by the Nanjing government. The Nationalist Party first defined the Incident as a rebellion by pro-Japanese forces and communist saboteurs. As the enemy of the Nationalist Party in China’s Civil War (1946-1949), the Chinese Communist Party initially interpreted the Incident as a Taiwanese fight for political autonomy in the party’s wartime propaganda, and then reinterpreted the event as an anti-Nationalist uprising under its own leadership. After the rapprochement of Mao’s China with the United States in the 1970s, both parties successively started economic or political reform and revised their respective policies toward the February 28 Incident. Moreover, the Democratic Progressive Party rose as a pro-independence force in Taiwan in the mid-1980s, and its stress on the Taiwanese pursuit of autonomy in the Incident coincided with the initial interpretation of the Chinese Communist Party. These partisan views and their related policy changes deeply influenced historical research on the Incident. This study re-examines both the history and the historical accuracy of these partisan discourses and the relevant scholarship on the Incident, and further proposes to understand this historic event in the long-term context of Taiwanese resistance and political struggles. / Graduate

This thesis examines the role and impact of Taiwan’s Democratic Progressive Party upon the constitutional reforms of 1991 to 2005 with a view to asking to what extent these reforms either strengthened or weakened the Taiwanese sovereignty the party aspired to establish and consolidate within a wholly Taiwanese national polity. The party’s ability to influence the course of reforms are placed in the broader context of ROC constitutional history and foreign influence upon the status of Taiwan. The research focuses on the party’s linking of the ROC constitution and question of Taiwanese sovereignty, and the negotiated choices it made both during the period of democratisation in Taiwan and when it was in power. This thesis will argue that the need to enact significant institutional change and meet electoral goals whilst lacking a clear legislative majority largely constrained the DPP's ability to achieve substantive rather than symbolic reform. The ROC constitution remains in force and, though amended, it signifies to the world that Taiwan is officially a Chinese nation whose sovereignty belongs to the ROC state. Yet, in practice, Taiwanese also exercise a popular and practical national democratic sovereignty and a clear de facto independence of national self-determination. That the KMT and DPP both used the reform of the apparatus of the ROC state to advance the building of their respective visions of what nation Taiwan would be, has led to the question of Taiwan’s sovereignty ultimately remaining unresolved and her independence insecure. The DPP's role in the constitutional reform process was a major contributor to this outcome. / This thesis examines the role and impact of Taiwan’s Democratic Progressive Party upon the constitutional reforms of 1991 to 2005 with a view to asking to what extent these reforms either strengthened or weakened the Taiwanese sovereignty the party aspired to establish and consolidate within a wholly Taiwanese national polity. The party’s ability to influence the course of reforms are placed in the broader context of ROC constitutional history and foreign influence upon the status of Taiwan. The research focuses on the party’s linking of the ROC constitution and question of Taiwanese sovereignty, and the negotiated choices it made both during the period of democratisation in Taiwan and when it was in power. This thesis will argue that the need to enact significant institutional change and meet electoral goals whilst lacking a clear legislative majority largely constrained the DPP's ability to achieve substantive rather than symbolic reform. The ROC constitution remains in force and, though amended, it signifies to the world that Taiwan is officially a Chinese nation whose sovereignty belongs to the ROC state. Yet, in practice, Taiwanese also exercise a popular and practical national democratic sovereignty and a clear de facto independence of national self-determination. That the KMT and DPP both used the reform of the apparatus of the ROC state to advance the building of their respective visions of what nation Taiwan would be, has led to the question of Taiwan’s sovereignty ultimately remaining unresolved and her independence insecure. The DPP's role in the constitutional reform process was a major contributor to this outcome.

本研究的目的在於使用心理學與政治學當中，與組織變革相關的理論與實務研究，來探索在政黨歷經組織變革的過程．研究對象為國內第一大反對黨─民進黨． 本研究選擇了與心理學中有關的變項：次團體之間的互動，即民進黨中派系的互動；組織變革中領導者的角色；另外則是華人社會中受儒家思想影響極大的關係主義．由於派系之間的互動不論是在心理學或是政治學中的研究，都極為匱乏，對於民進黨的派系現象更是缺乏系統性的探討，因此本論文嘗試從質的研究著手，以派系互動為主要的變項，領導行為與關係主義為干涉變項，探索這些因素對於民進黨在組織變革過程中的影響．綜合以上，研究者提出兩個問題：第一，中國人是以情感為分類基礎，和研究對象主要以派系為分類基礎，其中的機制有何不同．第二，民進黨的黨主席屬於某一個派系，造成和部屬的互動對組織變革的影響，並探討五倫關係在此所扮演的角色為何． 使用方法以文件研究與半結構式的訪談為主，輔以研究者的參與觀察．經過半年的研究期間，得到的研究結果可分為五個方面：1.派系形成的原因與分析當中的結構因素；2.探索派系之間互動之前，先交代各別派系的基本特質，如成立的背景、結合的機制、組織的特色、代表人物等等；3.派系互動則以資源分配為例來討論；4.派系互動對組織變革的影響，根據Burke-Litwin的組織績效與變革模式當中的各因素，探討在民進黨的組織變革當中的調整或改變，並討論兩大干涉變項的影響；5.使用組織心理學對組織變革的研究回顧民進黨． 研究結論認為，每一個派系都有其組織的文化，而華人社會使用許久的五倫關係在當中必然有其影響，只是有程度上與優先順序上的不同．而這些不同也造成了在成員的屬性、私人關係的頻率、派系衝突解決方式、派系的約束力與對代表人的認同上的差異，這些派系差異所形成的競爭與合作，在仍處於反對黨的前提之下，原則上仍會以黨的整體利益為最優先的考量． 即使黨主席做為民進黨的領導者，也不能違反黨的最高精神──程序正義與公開透明．在這樣的原則之下，五倫關係就會適時地發揮其潤滑作用；反之，若黨主席以五倫關係作為決策的第一考量，則受到黨內各派系抵制的機會將會增加．由於在制度上刻意弱化黨主席權限，因此以黨主席為主的內外團體現象並不明顯．

在2014年3月的太陽花學運裡，參與的學生在此次扮演主要的角色。也因為如此，各領域響起許多質疑的聲浪，認為此運動只匯集了較邊緣的社會思想，尤其是極端反中的論點。這使得太陽花學運帶著不透明性，真正發起和參與的學生動機變得難以捉摸。此論文採用各方觀點加以探討，並分類大學生參與之背後的真正原由。研究首先細化就讀大學之參與者的動機，參考其投入程度，加以比較各種參加的原因；次而探討其學歷背景是否因而對其造成影響。本研究運用這兩項方法比對，釐清參與學生之背景、動機、成果的交互影響之關係。 / During the Sunflower Movement of March 2014, it was the university students that played a prominent role. Because of this, several misconceptions about the Sunflower Movement arose. Among them was that it only appealed to a small radical fringe of society, especially those with strong anti-Chinese sentiments. This cast a shadow on the movement as a whole, and the true motivations why students became involved was unclear. This paper takes a multi-dimensional approach to specifying the reasons behind why students participated. First, it breaks down the various motivations students had and compares this with how invested they became in the movement. Secondly, it takes into account students’ backgrounds to see whether or not this affected their motivations. Using this approach, we can see a relation between one’s background, motivations, and their eventual outcome in protest.

By the end of the twentieth century, there were many secessionist groups, but, the move towards Taiwanese secessionism has arguably been the most significant of these. It triggered the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, which resulted in a historical military confrontation between Mainland China and the US. As will be shown, from 1988 to 2000, Lee Teng-hui, as president of Taiwan, manipulated the political Cross-Straits relationship to promote what was ultimately a secessionist policy. This caused Mainland China to react strongly and triggered sharp tension between Taiwan and Mainland China. This thesis considers what motivated Lee Teng-hui to implement a secessionist Cross-Straits policy and why he supported unification while adopting a substantive secessionist policy. It looks at how he was able to instigate Taiwanese hostility towards Mainlanders, to transform the hostility into a sense of Taiwanese national identity and ultimately into Taiwanese secessionist ideology. A historical approach was used in exploring the origins of secessionism, and descriptive and analytical methods to review systematically and comprehensively political developments in the ROC and its civil war, and to study Lee Teng-hui’s life; the national identity of Taiwan and Mainland China; the implementation of Lee Teng-hui’s political Cross-Straits policy; and the reaction of Mainland China. The study showed that the main cause of Taiwanese secessionism was ethnic conflict between Taiwanese and Mainlanders. It originated from the 228 Incident of 1947, in which Mainlander-led troops slaughtered many Taiwanese. Soon after, the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan from Mainland China, and many Taiwanese (including Mainlanders) were killed during the State of Emergency in the 1950s and 1960s. Since the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan in its original central government form, the Mainlander élite occupied key positions in the government during the 1950s and 1960s. It resulted in unfair power-sharing for Taiwanese, and caused the Taiwanese élite to believe that they had to establish their own government (nation). Lee Teng-hui had participated in the CCP and had been under political surveillance by the Mainlander-led government for over twenty years. He weathered these political difficulties, but by reasonable inference, there was a close relationship between the political oppression by the Mainlander-led government and his secessionist political Cross-Straits policy. Because Taiwanese residents were indoctrinated by Chiang Ching-kuo and his father, Chiang Kai-shek’s administration for about 40 years, Chinese ideology was dominant and Lee Teng-hui initially paid lip-service to Cross-Strait unification whilst working towards secessionism as reflected in the Chingdao-Lake Incident (1994); the private dialogue between Lee Teng-hui and Shiba Ryotaro (1994); the address at Cornell University (1995); and his two-state theory (1999). However, due to strong pressure from Mainland China, he did not reach his secessionist goal during his presidential term (1988-2000). In conclusion, this thesis shows that Taiwan Island’s geopolitical importance is at the heart of the US’ support for Taiwan’s secession from the Mainland. Therefore, Lee’s secessionist Cross-Strait policy aside, US national interests lie in containing Mainland China and it has, therefore, always played an important role in the secessionist issue and always will. From the perspective of Mainland China, either in terms of nationalism or national security, Taiwan’s secession is a life-and-death issue. If Taiwanese authorities were to declare independence, the only option for Mainland China would be to launch a unification war. For the US, Taiwan is only a pawn that it uses to contain Mainland China. Therefore, in the Cross-Strait issue, the US has more options than Mainland China, namely, to use military intervention in the future to deter Chinese unification or to decide to share common peaceful international relations with Mainland China by accepting Cross-Strait unification. / Thesis (DPhil (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2004. / Political Sciences / unrestricted