Mini Dissertation (MA Fine Arts)--University of Pretoria, 2018. / Visual Arts / MA Fine Arts / Unrestricted

Konferenzband zum Kolloquium der Dresdener Studiengemeinschaft Sicherheitspolitik e.V. am 10. Januar 2009:- Th. Hoffmann, Zum Geleit. - W. Scheler, Eröffnung. Referat und Diskussionsbeiträge: Paul Heider, Die Militärakademie ´Friedrich Engels´ von ihrer Gründung bis zur demokratischen Militärreform. Rüdiger Wenzke, Zur militärgeschichtlichen Forschung über die Militärakademie ´Friedrich Engels´ der NVA. Wolfgang Demmer, Der Lehrstuhl als Zentrum für Lehre, Forschung und wissenschaftliche Qualifizierung. Wolfgang Scheler, Das widersprüchliche Verhältnis von Ideologie, Militär und Wissenschaft. Rainer Böhme, Ausbildung und Forschung im Spannungsverhältnis von Militär und Militärwissenschaft. Klaus Kürbis, Entwicklung und Bilanz der Militärtechnischen Fakultät. Eberhard Arnold, Die Wahrnehmung des militärischen Gegners in Lehre und Forschung - realistische Vorstellungen über den Gegner oder Feindbild? Max Schmidt, Friedensforschung in Zusammenarbeit mit der Militärakademie ´Friedrich Engels´. Hermann Hagena, Zur Rolle persönlicher Begegnungen in der Entwicklung von gegenseitigem Verstehen und Vertrauen. Siegfried Schönherr, Konversion der Streitkräfte und Rüstungen - Idee und Wirklichkeit. Rolf Ziegenbein, Zur Ausbildung von Offizieren für die Grenztruppen der DDR an der Militärakademie. Gerhard L. Fasching, Zum 50. Gründungsjubiläum der Militärakademie ´Friedrich Engels´. Eingereichte Beiträge: Siegfried Heinze, Zur Personalsituation bei der Gründung der Militärakademie ´Friedrich Engels´. Hermann Große, Zu den Anfängen der Militärakademie ´Friedrich Engels´. Dieter Kürschner, Als Hörer an der Militärakademie ´Friedrich Engels´ 1968 bis 1972. Rudolf Oelschlägel, Vietnamesen an der Militärakademie in Dresden. Hans Brandl, Die Nutzung der Informatik zur Automatisierung der Truppenführung und Ausbildung in der Sektion Landstreitkräfte. Horst Sylla, Militärakademische Ausbildung und Truppenpraxis. Jürgen Becker, Die Entwicklung der Bibliothek der Militärakademie ´Friedrich Engels´. Manfred Lachmann, Militärakademie ´Friedrich Engels´ und Armeemuseum der DDR. Eberhard Haueis, Die militärakademische Lehre zur Führung der politischen Arbeit in der NVA auf neuen Wegen. Rainer Böhme, Ökologie und Streitkräfte - ein Rückblick auf 1990/91. Klaus Götze, 30 Jahre Friedrich-Engels-Forschung an der Militärakademie. Gustav Urbani, Zum Wirken der Militärakademie in der Bezirkssektion Militärpolitik der URANIA. Günther Glaser, Gedanken zum Kolloquium. Redaktionskommission, Nachwort; Autoren; Veranstalter, Organisationskomitee.

Neues Denken in der DDR und zum Projekt neuer Sicherheitspolitik in der militärakademischen Forschung; Vielfältige Fortsetzung der Idee in der Dresdener Studiengemeinschaft Sicherheitspolitik e. V.; Widerspiegelung in der Bundeswehr; Friedensfähigkeit und Epocheverständnis.:Eröffnung Wolfgang Scheler, In memoriam Prof. Dr. Rolf Lehmann. Autorenbeiträge: Wolfgang Scheler, Philosophisches Denken über Krieg und Frieden - damals und jetzt. Hermann Hagena, Reflexionen des neuen Denkens in der Bundeswehr. Hermann Schierz, Neues Denken über Krieg und Frieden an der Offiziershochschule der LSK/LV und in der Öffentlichkeitsarbeit. Hans Süß, Neues Denken und Militärreform. Paul Heider, Neues Denken über Krieg und Frieden und das Militärgeschichtliche Institut der DDR. Ernst Woit, Friedensphilosophie und Epocheverständnis. Horst Großmann, Geopolitische Bedingungen für Krieg und Frieden. Lothar Glaß, Ideelle Bedingungen des Friedens. Eberhard Arnold, Anmerkungen zum Problemkreis ´Bedrohung´. Publikationen zum Thema des Kolloquiums (Auswahl).

Which conceptions of solidarity will help subjugated, oppressed groups pose liberatory challenges to the regimes under which they suffer? Activists and scholars concerned with liberation err by constraining solidarity to the parameters outlined in conventional moral and political theory and, therefore, by imagining solidarity as dependent on models of identity and shared interests. Organized movements may aim for expanded access to institutional claims and for cultural representation, and yet liberatory movements also have more specific objectives: to challenge the legitimacy of oppressive political and moral regimes, and to put those regimes in the obediential service of the vulnerable and oppressed. I critique notions of solidarity conceived in political philosophy as shared interests, and as a functions of identity in discourses about anti-racist, feminist, and pro-indigenous movements for social justice and cultural inclusion. Using the works of Enrique Dussel, Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, and Elaine Scarry, I argue that a notion of solidarity developed as a relational concept, primarily as a reference to the laborious activities of relating, can serve as a resource for liberatory projects once we describe the three main ideas as a coherent proposition: liberatory solidarity as relational. The concept refers to when individuals and groups continue to relate, to make one another, for the purposes of liberation despite countervailing exploitative power relations, incentives, and disincentives. Those seeking emancipatory change either labor to relate for the sake of liberation, or preserve the bigger-picture status quo in which disparate and episodic enclave movements rise and fall on the terms set by identity politics and fictive individualistic autonomy. / Ph. D.

Parte significativa dos escritos de Marx Engels sobre política internacional são marcados por uma dificuldade teórica, que não deixou de causar desconforto na própria tradição marxista: diante dos êxitos da contra-revolução após 1848, e de uma perspectiva revolucionária plasmada na crítica ao sistema internacional herdado do Congresso de Viena em 1815, as categorias centrais do materialismo hitórico pareciam perder capacidade de formulação política. Se o avanço da concorrência capitalista no mercado mundial possibilitava que as contradições sociais dos países mais avançados fossem universalizadas, por meio da universalização das relações de produção burguesas, o sistema internacional parecia atuar em sentido contrário, permitindo que os tempos sociais do atraso arbitrassem o ritmo das transformações políticas na Europa. Negada pelo sistema internacional, a marcha da história social em Marx e Engels dá lugar a uma teorização negativa. Suas categorias clássicas dão lugar a outras. Classes sociais cedem terreno, em Engels, aos povos sem história. Em Marx, a causalidade é substituída pela analogia; processos, por indivíduos; realidades sociais concretas, por encarnações abstratas. A contemporaneidade política de tempos sociais divergentes que caracteriza a complexa duração do absolutismo na Europa fornece o terreno em que os problemas da teorização negativa eclodem. O fato de que o Estado absolutista de tipo oriental por excelência, a Rússia czarista, pudesse de alguma forma empregar, por meio de sua diplomacia, a coerção de tipo feudal encarnada em sua própria formação para arbitrar o ritmo das revoluções burguesas no ocidente, em pleno século XIX, constitui a principal negatividade com que Marx e Engels se depararam ao pretenderem retomar a marcha revolucionária interrompida em 1815. / An important part of Marx and Engels\'s writings on international politics is characterized by a theoretical difficulty, one which has been the cause of significant uneasiness in the Marxist tradition itself. Faced with the strides of counter-revolution in Europe after 1848, and departing from a revolutionary standpoint centered on the criticism of the international system as set forth by the Vienna Congress in 1815, the core categories of dialectic materialism seemed to loose power of political formulation. If the advancement of capitalist competition in the world market was bound to universalize the social contradictions of the most advanced countries, by the universalization of bourgeois production, the international system, on the other hand, appeared as the medium by means of which the social temporalities of backwardness managed to impose themselves on the European political order. Denied by the international system, the march of social history in Marx and Engels gives room to the a negative theorization. Its classic categories give way to new ones. In Engels, social classes give way to nonhistorial peoples; in Marx, causality is replaced by analogy, processes by individuals, concrete social realities by abstract representations. The international coexistence of different political temporalities that characterizes the complex duration of absolutism in Europe sets the stage for the problems of the negative theorization. The fact that the most typical form of oriental absolutist State, czarist Russia, could successfully deploy its feudal coercion, through its diplomacy, to dictate the rhythm of bourgeois revolutions in the West in the nineteenth century constitutes the main negativity with which Marx and Engels are faced in their quest to resume historys course after its interruption in 1815.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T14:16:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CarlosNegretti.pdf: 1213179 bytes, checksum: b4db34b2eaca3e036fb14e0b7dc37436 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-06-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The Russian biochemist Alexandre Ivanovicth Oparin , in 1924 in the former Soviet Union wrote an article in which he puts forward his hypothesis about a delicate subject in the history of biology: the origin of life on Earth. Proposes his hypothesis about th origin of life relating the biological evolution mainly the Natural Selection Theory of Charles Darwin with the Dialectic Materialism of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. There are some disagreements about the nature of such relation, which is considered by some authors coherent and by others just adequate to political pressures of the Stanilist regime in the former Soviet Union. From a comparative analysis between the books of Engels mainly Dialectic of Nature, in with his conception of nature and dialectic materialism are present and Oparin s articles, this work shows that such concepts helped Oparin to develop his lage hypothesis with a sophistication in terms of argument, to the philosophical point of view as well as experimental / O bioquímico russo Alexandre Ivanovicth Oparin publica, em 1924, na antiga União Soviética, um artigo contendo sua hipótese acerca de um ponto considerado nevrálgico da história da biologia: o problema da origem da vida na Terra. Oparin propõe sua hipótese sobre a origem da vida relacionando o evolucionismo biológico, principalmente a teoria da seleção natural de Charles Darwin, com o materialismo dialético de Karl Marx e Friedrich Engels. Há divergências quanto à natureza de tal relação, considerada, por alguns autores, coerente e, por outros, forçada por pressões políticas presentes no contexto em que Oparin viveu, sob o regime stalinista da antiga União Soviética. A partir de uma análise comparativa entre os livros de Engels principalmente Dialética da natureza, no qual sua concepção de natureza e do materialismo dialético são presentes e publicações de Oparin, este trabalho mostra que tais concepções serviram a este último para o desenvolvimento posterior de sua hipótese, como uma certa sofisticação em termos de argumentos, tanto do ponto de vista filosófico como experimental

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Parte significativa dos escritos de Marx Engels sobre política internacional são marcados por uma dificuldade teórica, que não deixou de causar desconforto na própria tradição marxista: diante dos êxitos da contra-revolução após 1848, e de uma perspectiva revolucionária plasmada na crítica ao sistema internacional herdado do Congresso de Viena em 1815, as categorias centrais do materialismo hitórico pareciam perder capacidade de formulação política. Se o avanço da concorrência capitalista no mercado mundial possibilitava que as contradições sociais dos países mais avançados fossem universalizadas, por meio da universalização das relações de produção burguesas, o sistema internacional parecia atuar em sentido contrário, permitindo que os tempos sociais do atraso arbitrassem o ritmo das transformações políticas na Europa. Negada pelo sistema internacional, a marcha da história social em Marx e Engels dá lugar a uma teorização negativa. Suas categorias clássicas dão lugar a outras. Classes sociais cedem terreno, em Engels, aos povos sem história. Em Marx, a causalidade é substituída pela analogia; processos, por indivíduos; realidades sociais concretas, por encarnações abstratas. A contemporaneidade política de tempos sociais divergentes que caracteriza a complexa duração do absolutismo na Europa fornece o terreno em que os problemas da teorização negativa eclodem. O fato de que o Estado absolutista de tipo oriental por excelência, a Rússia czarista, pudesse de alguma forma empregar, por meio de sua diplomacia, a coerção de tipo feudal encarnada em sua própria formação para arbitrar o ritmo das revoluções burguesas no ocidente, em pleno século XIX, constitui a principal negatividade com que Marx e Engels se depararam ao pretenderem retomar a marcha revolucionária interrompida em 1815. / An important part of Marx and Engels\'s writings on international politics is characterized by a theoretical difficulty, one which has been the cause of significant uneasiness in the Marxist tradition itself. Faced with the strides of counter-revolution in Europe after 1848, and departing from a revolutionary standpoint centered on the criticism of the international system as set forth by the Vienna Congress in 1815, the core categories of dialectic materialism seemed to loose power of political formulation. If the advancement of capitalist competition in the world market was bound to universalize the social contradictions of the most advanced countries, by the universalization of bourgeois production, the international system, on the other hand, appeared as the medium by means of which the social temporalities of backwardness managed to impose themselves on the European political order. Denied by the international system, the march of social history in Marx and Engels gives room to the a negative theorization. Its classic categories give way to new ones. In Engels, social classes give way to nonhistorial peoples; in Marx, causality is replaced by analogy, processes by individuals, concrete social realities by abstract representations. The international coexistence of different political temporalities that characterizes the complex duration of absolutism in Europe sets the stage for the problems of the negative theorization. The fact that the most typical form of oriental absolutist State, czarist Russia, could successfully deploy its feudal coercion, through its diplomacy, to dictate the rhythm of bourgeois revolutions in the West in the nineteenth century constitutes the main negativity with which Marx and Engels are faced in their quest to resume historys course after its interruption in 1815.

Abschließende DSS e.V.-Dokumentation zur Militärakademie ´Friedrich Engels´ (1959-1990).:Wolfgang Scheler, Vorwort. Wolfgang Scheler, Die Militärakademie in der demokratischen Revolution und Militärreform. Eberhard Haueis, Wolfgang Scheler, Die Militärakademie im Ringen um Konversion. Siegfried Schönherr, Der Lehrstuhl Wirtschaftswissenschaften in den Wendemonaten. Rainer Böhme, Operative Lehre und Forschung an der Militärakademie zwischen neuer Militärdoktrin und Militärreform (1987-1990). Eberhard Haueis, Die Auflösung der Militärakademie Dresden. Hans-Werner Liebig, Erinnerungsbericht als Mitglied der Unterstützungsgruppe zur Auflösung der NVA-Militärakademie 'Friedrich Engels' in Dresden Nachgereichte Beiträge zu: Militärakademie ´Friedrich Engels´, Historisch-kritische Nachbetrachtung zum 50. Jahrestag ihrer Gründung, DSS-Arbeitspapiere, Heft 95/2009: Heinz Weidner, Zur Rolle der Politabteilung der Militärakademie Friedrich Engels in den 1970er und 1980er Jahren. Reinhard Klos, Erinnerungen an meinen Dienst als Offizier im Politorgan der Militärakademie ´Friedrich Engels´. Autoren

Kurzdarstellung zur Geschichte der Gründung und Entwicklung der Militärakademie `Friedrich Engels`, Dresden, sowie deren Leistungsbilanz aus kritisch-wissenschaftlicher Sicht.:- Vorbemerkungen - zu Ergebnissen der historischen Forschung. - Zur Erinnerung. - Zur Militärakademie in der DDR-Hochschullandschaft. - Zur Vorgeschichte. - Zum Gründungsauftrag. - Zu den militärisch-politischen Rahmenbedingungen. - Zum militärakademischen vs. zivilen Studium. - Zum Lehrkörper. - Zum Promotionsrecht. - Zur Würdigung wissenschaftlicher Leistungen. - Zur strukturellen Organisation. - Zum militärakademischen Ausbildungsziel. - Zu den Absolventen der Militärakademie. - Zu den wissenschaftlichen Publikationen. - Zur wissenschaftlichen Kooperation. - Zum Umdenken über Krieg und Frieden im Nuklearzeitalter. - Zur Akademie zwischen Doktrin-87 und Militärreform 1990. - Zu den Auswirkungen des politischen Führungswechsels 1990. - Zum letzten Kapitel in der Geschichte der Militärakademie. - Schlussbemerkungen.