Buscou-se nesta pesquisa entender as relações entre gênero e meio ambiente no cotidiano das mulheres catadoras de materiais recicláveis de uma cooperativa do município de São Paulo. Para tanto, procurou-se compreender essa relação a partir dos espaços de moradia e trabalho das catadoras. Como fundamentação teórica foi adotada a Divisão Sexual do Trabalho e a Justiça Ambiental. O método utilizado foi o Estudo de Caso Estendido e a técnica de coleta de dados primários a Entrevista Narrativa. Foram entrevistadas dezesseis mulheres catadoras cooperadas. Para a interpretação dos resultados seguiu-se os postulados da Análise de Narrativa. Este estudo mostra evidências da situação de injustiça ambiental nos espaços de moradia e trabalho das catadoras entrevistadas. Além disso, demonstra que a dupla jornada de trabalho dessas mulheres leva a uma injustiça ambiental por gênero na catação. Também foi observada a relação entre a maternidade e o ingresso e permanência das catadoras na atividade. A análise da dupla jornada de trabalho das mulheres permitiu identificar três trajetórias distintas entre as catadoras entrevistadas: catadoras estruturais, catadoras conjunturais ocasionais e catadoras conjunturais por conveniência. A partir das diferenças e similaridades observadas entre os três grupos de mulheres catadoras percebeu-se que fatores como a trajetória familiar, vulnerabilidade social e segregação espacial urbana foram os principais motivos que as levaram à catação. Verificou-se, ainda, que as mulheres estão mais expostas aos riscos ambientais justamente pela dupla jornada de trabalho. Dessa maneira, considerou-se que a presença dos fatores de injustiça ambiental na dupla jornada de trabalho caracteriza o que foi denominado neste estudo de dupla jornada de injustiça ambiental. A jornada reprodutiva associada aos riscos ambientais ligados à habitação e a jornada produtiva referente aos riscos ocupacionais e à precariedade no trabalho. / This thesis aimed understand the relationship between gender and environment among women waste pickers of a cooperative of recyclable materials in São Paulo. To understand this relationship, the concept of Environmental Justice was chosen as framework, showing the disproportional dynamic of environmental conflicts that affect the most marginalized and vulnerable people, marked with social inequality due to class, race and gender. In addition, studies discussing the Sexual Division of Labor were also used, considering that women are particularly disadvantaged because of their double burden, when the reproductive work is free and invisible and the productive work is devalued. The Extended Case Method was used as methodology and the women cooperative was observed for three years. The data collection was made using the narrative interview technique and sixteen women waste pickers were interviewed. The data analysis used narrative analysis postulates. The results showed that the women waste pickers who are spatially segregated and residents of Jardim das Flores slum are exposed to multiple risks: geomorphological risks of slipping and washouts; proximity of high-voltage power lines and; low infrastructure conditions linked to sanitation and garbage collection. Due their reproductive shift, the women spend more time in home and consequently in the slum, rising their vulnerability of those risks. Further, the wish to conciliate the double burden was also responsible for their work as waste pickers, with a female perpetuation in the scavenging activity. Then, the women are more exposed to occupational risks and the burden of environmental inequality in recycling chain. In conclusion, women waste pickers are exposed to a double burden of environmental injustice: one related to habitational risks and one to precariousness of labor and occupational hazards. Thus, there is a interweaving of social inequalities historically imposed by patriarchal logic to keep the foundations of the current economic system, and the black women, householder and poor are who bear the environmental damage to maintain that system.

Este trabalho trata da narrativa de resistência que o Movimento de Pequenos Agricultores-MPA constituiu para resistir aos processos de expropriação das sementes dos camponeses, no estado de Santa Catarina, Brasil. O objetivo é analisar como o projeto de sementes do movimento influenciou a construção da soberania alimentar por meio de suas ações junto às instituições. Como instrumentos metodológicos fontes primárias e secundárias foram utilizadas, levando em consideração o referencial teórico da ecologia política, focado em conceitos de conflitos socioambientais, justiça ambiental e soberania alimentar. Assim, foi realizada pesquisa de campo, nos anos de 2015 e 2016, nos estados do Distrito Federal, Santa Catarina e Rio Grande do Sul, com diferentes atores que participaram do processo. Da análise constata-se que o movimento por meio da cooperativa Oestebio, desenvolveu a experiência de massificação de sementes crioulas e varietais a partir de uma ampla articulação de ações, alianças com instituições e outros movimentos, influenciando e sendo influenciado por políticas públicas e ações do Estado para constituir a soberania genética com base no projeto de soberania alimentar. Ao teceram uma longa teia de relações, articulando os campos político, econômico, científico e socioambiental, ancorado no diálogo constante nos diferentes níveis local, regional, nacional e internacional - constituíram uma experiência portadora da soberania alimentar dentro dos limites atuais da economia política contemporânea, expropriadora de recursos e geradora de conflitos e injustiças socioambientais. / This thesis is about the resistance narrative of Small Farmers Movement has established to resist to expropriation of peasants seeds, in the Santa Catarina state, Brazil. The goal is to analyze how the project of seed of the movement has impacted the food sovereignty throughout its actions with institutions. Primary and secondary sources were used as methodological tools taking account the political ecology approach, focusing on concepts such as socio-environmental conflicts, environmental justice and food sovereignty. A field work was conducted, in 2015 and 2016, in Distrito Federal, Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul states, interviewing several actors who took part of this process. It was verified that the movement by means of Oestebio cooperative developed the experience of multliplication of native and varietals seeds throughout a broad articulation of actions, alliances with institutions and others social movements. It has influenced and has received influence of public policies and State actions to constitute genetic sovereignty based on its food sovereignty project. By weaving a long web of relations, connecting the political, economical, scientific and socio-environmental fields, based on a frequent dialogue in different levels local, regional, national and international they built an experience of food sovereignty inside current limits of the political economy, expropriator of resources and producer of socio-environmental conflicts and injustices.

Cette thèse a pour principal objet la reconnaissance du local et de l’autochtonie au sein des aires protégées en général et des Parcs nationaux français en particulier. Du global au local, elle tend à voir ce processus comme résultante de la montée en puissance d’un principe axiologique non nécessairement nouveau, mais qui conditionne néanmoins de manière croissante la légitimité et l’efficacité de l’action publique environnementale. La reconnaissance du local et de l’autochtonie serait ainsi en particulier internationalement devenue l’une des conditions de réalisation d’une plus grande justice environnementale au sein des aires protégées.Nous interrogeons comment ce processus a pu s’étendre aux Parcs nationaux français à travers notamment l’analyse des causes et des effets de leur récente réforme (2006). Comment cette reconnaissance a-t-elle pu se voir reprise et éventuellement redéfinie dans l’institutionnalisation des Parcs nationaux dits de « nouvelle génération » ? Par suite, à quels effets, nouveaux ou non, cette reconnaissance « à la française » permet-elle d’aboutir localement, en matière d’inégalité environnementale ? Notre démonstration s’appuie sur la notion de capital d’autochtonie (Retière, 2003) et soutient que les groupes sociaux locaux à même d’administrer la preuve de leur « capital environnemental autochtone » auprès des instances gestionnaires des Parcs nationaux seraient les plus à même de conserver intacts leurs usages de ces aires protégées.Pour mieux traiter notre problématique d’une reconnaissance du local « sous conditions », nous avons concentré sans nous y limiter, nos efforts d’enquête sur le récent Parc national de La Réunion (2007), présenté avec le Parc amazonien de Guyane et le Parc national des Calanques comme parcs de nouvelle génération. Cette enquête, s’appuyant sur plusieurs autres points de comparaison, conduit à entrevoir le Parc national de La Réunion (PNRun) comme un cadre intégrateur écocentré de différents récits globaux et territoriaux. Le déclinisme environnemental, à la fois local et mondialisé, est le plus prééminent de ces récits. Des récits de valorisation de la culture créole et de rattrapage économique lui coexiste néanmoins et le PNRun, enjoint à les reconnaitre au regard de la doctrine du développement durable, apparait comme une combinatoire sans cesse mouvante et instable d’un compromis entre ces trois récits potentiellement contradictoires.La conflictualité coutumière des Parcs nationaux français (Larrère et al., 2009) peut ainsi se comprendre à la lueur d’une concurrence des récits et de leurs porteurs, qui peuvent contester ou soutenir la manière propre au Parc national d’administrer, mais aussi de « mettre en récit » le territoire qui le supporte. Le défi actuel des Parcs nationaux français consiste, au regard de la réforme de 2006, à permettre et à accepter que cette mise en récit soit le fruit d’une co-construction élargie, et non plus d’un exercice réservé aux élites scientifiques, politiques et sociales qui ont toujours constitué ses publics de prédilection. En contexte postcolonial comme sur l’ile de La Réunion, ce défi parait d’autant plus aigu que le « concernement » local pour une mise en récit qui soit réparatrice d’injustices culturelle, sociale et environnementale est important, voire sine qua non. / The main purpose of this thesis is about the recognition of local and indigenous people within protected areas in general and French National Parks in particular. From global to local scales, this process appears to be the result of an axiological principle that is not necessarily new but which nevertheless increasingly conditions the legitimacy and effectiveness of public environmental action. The recognition of local and indigenous people would thus have become one of the conditions for achieving greater environmental justice within protected areas, particularly internationally.We question how this process has been extended to French National Parks, in particular through the analysis of the causes and effects of their recent reform (2006). How could this recognition be taken up and possibly redefined in the institutionalization of the so-called "new generation" national parks? Consequently, to what effects does this "French-style" recognition make it possible to achieve locally, in terms of environmental inequality? Our demonstration is based on the notion of "indigenous capital" (Retière, 2003) and argues that local social groups able to demonstrate their "indigenous environmental capital" to national park management authorities would be in the best position to keep intact their uses of these protected areas.To better address the issue of local people’s recognition "under conditions", we investigated the recent Reunion Island National Park (2007), presented with the Amazonian Park of French Guyana and the Calanques National Park as new generation parks. This survey, based on several other points of comparison, leads us to see Reunion Island National Park (PNRun) as an ecocentric integrating framework of different global and territorial narratives. “Environmental declinism”, both local and globalized, is the most prominent of these stories. Nevertheless, a “local cultural” and an “economic catch-up” narratives coexist with the first one. The PNRun, urged to recognize them due to the doctrine of sustainable development, appears as an ever-changing and unstable combination of these three - potentially contradictory - narratives.The traditional and customary conflicts within French National Parks (Larrère, 2009) can thus be understood as part of a competition between stories and their bearers, who can challenge or support the National Park's own way of administering, but also of "telling" the territory that supports it. The current challenge for French National Parks, in regard of the 2006 reform, is to allow and accept that this policy narrative is the result of a collective construction, and no longer an exercise reserved for some scientific, political and social elites who have always constituted its preferred audiences. In a postcolonial context such as on Reunion Island, this challenge seems all the more acute as the local "concern" for a narrative which is reparative of cultural, social and environmental injustices is important, even sine qua non.

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ForumCiv is an international development organization working to create a just and sustainable world where all people have the power to effect change. Through this online action research, a novel method to engage with for Environmental Justice (EJ) was introduced to ForumCiv.   A first iteration of the novel online methodology known as the Environmental Rights Toolkit (ERT) was carried out.  As action research, this project is concerned with theory and practice, understanding and change. The aim is to produce knowledge informing ForumCiv how to unpack EJ. The online method embraces a participatory paradigm, which is rights-based and equipped with the content from the three pillars of environmental democracy. Throughout this action research, the connection between key aspects of environmental democracy and environmental justice was outlined.  The results indicate a connection between environmental democracy and environmental justice.  Environmental democracy facilitates EJ in its different forms. EJ can be perceived as distributive environmental justice, procedural environmental justice, and environmental justice as recognition. These different forms are highly interrelated, therefore acting for one supports the realization of the other. Similarly, the decline of one lead to the decline of the others.  Engaging with the access rights can serve to modify power dynamics in certain contexts facilitating the fulfilment of one or more aspects of EJ. The insights from this action research can be seen under two perspectives, theory, and practice. The practice is supported by theory. A novel practice was introduced to ForumCiv and at the same time, this practice comes together with  visions from EJ. To further mainstream EJ in the work of the organization it is necessary that some key areas further integrate the conceptualizations made.

This dissertation reports the activities, methods, and key findings of a doctoral research project in applied anthropology and an environmental anthropology fellowship. The research project was conducted through the Department of Anthropology at the University of Michigan, while the fellowship was sponsored jointly by the Society for Applied Anthropology and the United States Environmental Protection Agency and was conducted through the Great Lakes Fellowship Program of the Great Lakes Commission, in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Together, these projects demonstrated the utility of an ethnographic approach called Risk Perception Mapping (RPM) to the public consultation and social research interests of the Commission and its associated network of environmental management agencies and organizations. Through consultation with these organizations I identified an environmental management problem to which anthropological perspectives and methods would be particularly well-suited: Can the undesirable social phenomenon of environmental discrimination be minimized by assuring greater equality in access to public participation in environmental management? To address this problem, I conducted an RPM demonstration project in a five county area surrounding the Fermi II nuclear power plant in southeastern Michigan. My research focused on cultural, geographical, and social-contextual factors that influence the nature and distribution of perceived risk among populations that are potentially affected by environmental management projects. Key findings pertain to perceptually-specific communities of environmental risk and have implications for what I call "participatory equity" in environmental management. Potential applications to Great Lakes environmental management center on developing equitable population-specific exchanges of information through which more culturally sensitive indicators of Great Lakes ecosystem integrity may emerge. Anthropological contributions to public participation in environmental management are discussed with particular attention to anthropological perspectives on the multiple publics that comprise locally affected communities of environmental risk.

Denna uppsats behandlar ämnet klimatanpassning inom vattenförvaltningen i Sverige som härleds från Europeiska Unionens ramdirektiv för vatten. Sveriges vattenresursers utsätts för påfrestningar från klimatförändringar. Klimatanpassning behövs därför för att säkra vattenresurserna för nuvarande och kommande generationer och ett stort ansvar kring detta arbete vilar på lokal nivå i samhället. EU:s utvärdering av vattenförvaltningsarbetet konstaterar att det finns förbättringsmöjligheter gällande sociala och organisatoriska aspekterna kring klimatanpassning. Studiens fokus är på dessa aspekter med tillägg att de även är avgörande för att uppnå en transformativ klimatanpassning, den högsta av tre nivåer inom klimatanpassning där samhällsomvandling sker. Syftet med studien är att undersöka vilka faktorer som påverkar klimatanpassningen på lokal nivå inom vattenförvaltningen i Sverige ur ett transformativt klimatanpassningsperspektiv. Detta undersöks genom att besvara frågeställningarna om vad som driver och begränsar klimatanpassning på lokal nivå inom vattenförvaltningen och hur dessa drivkrafter och begränsningar skulle kunna hanteras för att uppnå en transformativ klimatanpassning. Studien utförs genom en kvalitativ innehållsanalys av samrådsdokument från de fem vattendistrikten i Sverige. Analysen genomförs med en abduktiv inriktning där kontexten är ur ett klimatanpassnings- och riskperspektiv gentemot klimatförändringarnas påverkan på vattenresurserna. Resultatet visar att faktorer som engagemang, målkonflikter, organisation, ansvarsfördelning, samverkan, ekonomiska- och kompetensmässiga resursbrister, nonchalans, lagstiftning och samordning påverkar lokal klimatanpassning inom vattenförvaltningen. I diskussionen knyts resultatet till tidigare forskning och det teoretiska ramverket för att ge en djupare förståelse för faktorernas innebörd i relation till att uppnå en transformativ klimatanpassning och samt de är begränsande eller drivande. Teoretiska ramverket innehållande flernivåstyrning, miljörättvisa, strategiskt ledarskap och samskapande anknyter till hur drivkrafterna och begränsningarna kan hanteras. Slutsatserna för studien visar att implementering av strategiskt ledarskap och samskapande på lokal nivå inom vattenförvaltningen är ett arbetssätt för att uppnå transformativ klimatanpassning. / This paper addresses the topic of climate adaptation within water management in Sweden, based on the European Union's Water Framework Directive. Sweden's water resources being exposed to stress from climate change. Therefore, climate adaptation must be implemented to secure water resources for current and future generations and a great responsibility regarding this work rests at the local level in society. The EU evaluation of water management work notes that there is a need for improvement regarding social and organizational aspects of climate adaptation. The focus of the study is on the aforementioned aspects, additionally these aspects are also crucial for achieving a transformative climate adaptation, the highest of three levels in climate adaptation where social transformation takes place. Thus, the purpose of the study is to investigate what factors affect climate adaptation at the local level in water management in Sweden from a transformative climate adaptation perspective. The purpose is fulfilled by answering the questions about what drives and limits climate adaptation at the local level within water management and how these driving forces and constraints could be managed to achieve transformative climate adaptation. The study is conducted through a qualitative content analysis of consultation documents from the five water districts in Sweden. The analysis is conducted with an abductive approach where the context is from a climate adaptation and risk perspective vis-à-vis the effects of climate change on water resources. The results show that factors such as commitment, target conflicts, organization, division of responsibilities, collaboration, financial and skills shortages, non-balance, legislation and coordination affect local climate adaptation in water management. In the discussion, the result is linked to previous research and the theoretical framework to provide a deeper understanding of the significance of the factors in relation to achieving a transformative climate adaptation and if they act as driving forces or constraints. The theoretical framework consisting of multi-level governance, environmental justice, strategic leadership and co-creation links to how the driving forces and constraints can be managed. The conclusions of the study show that implementation of strategic leadership and collaboration at the local level in water management is a possible way of achieving transformative climate adaptation.

Hintergrund und Zielstellung Verkehr verursacht, neben seinem großen Nutzen, auch negative Effekte auf die Gesellschaft. Dazu zählen Stau, Unfälle und Umweltbelastungen. Aus Perspektive der sozialen Gerechtigkeit stellt sich die Frage, ob das Niveau der Umweltbelastung, dem Bevölkerungsgruppen ausgesetzt sind, ungleich verteilt ist. Bisher wurde dieser Frage in Deutschland primär aus Perspektive der Gesundheitswissenschaften nachgegangen. Dabei wurden Personen in eher kleinen Stichproben zu ihrer sozio-ökonomischen Situation befragt und die individuelle Belastung durch Schadstoffe an ihrem Wohnort ermittelt. Auf diese Weise konnten bei Luftschadstoffen und Lärm überdurchschnittliche Belastungen von Menschen mit niedrigem sozio-ökonomischen Status nachgewiesen werden. Flächendeckend vorliegende Umweltdaten und Statistiken zu der gesamten Bevölkerung eines großen Untersuchungsgebietes wurden dabei allerdings kaum einbezogen. Deshalb wird in der vorliegenden Dissertation untersucht, wie die Belastung durch verkehrsbedingte Lärm- und Luftschadstoffbelastungen zwischen sozio-ökonomischen Gruppen der Bevölkerung verteilt ist. Dabei werden neben der absoluten Belastung auch die gesundheitlichen Auswirkungen berücksichtigt. Im gewählten Untersuchungsgebiet Berlin werden dafür geeignete räumlich-statistische Bezugseinheiten verwendet, um kleinräumige Belastungsunterschiede flächendeckend zu berücksichtigen. Die normative Bewertung, nach welchen Kriterien Ungleichverteilungen aus gesellschaftlicher und wissenschaftlicher Sicht als „ungerecht“ einzustufen sind, wird bei der deskriptiven Analyse nicht dargestellt. Bewertung der Umwelteffekte Für die Analyse der sozialräumlichen Verteilung von Lärm und Luftschadstoffen ist es sinnvoll, einfach handhabbare Indikatoren zu entwickeln, mit denen die absolute Umweltbelastung zum einen räumlich und zum anderen für sozio-ökonomische Gruppen aggregierbar ist. Dafür werden, entsprechend dem Konzept der externen Kosten, Kostensätze entwickelt. Somit kann zusätzlich zur Analyse der sozialräumlichen Verteilung auch die ökonomische Tragweite der Umweltbelastungen verdeutlicht werden. Mit den externen Kosten werden die Umwelteffekte bewertet, die von den Verkehrsteilnehmern bei ihrer Entscheidung über konkrete Fahrten nicht berücksichtigt werden. Stattdessen sind von den Effekten unbeteiligte Dritte betroffen. Bei Straßen-, Schienen und Fluglärm werden die Gesundheitswirkungen Bluthochdruck, Herz-Kreislauf-Erkrankungen einschließlich Herzinfarkt sowie Belästigungen betrachtet. Bei den Luftschadstoffen wird eine Methode entwickelt, mit der, basierend auf der Luftschadstoffkonzentration in der Außenluft, die durch Stickoxid und Feinstaub verursachten Atemwegs- und Herz- Kreislauf-Erkrankungen betrachtet werden. Grundlage der Bewertung sind jeweils Expositions-Wirkungs-Beziehungen aus der Literatur, die die Risikoerhöhung durch die Umweltwirkungen beschreiben. Außerdem fließen die Behandlungskosten der Krankheiten, die Kosten verlorener Erwerbstätigkeit und die Kosten verlorener Lebensjahre in die Bestimmung der Kostensätze ein. Die Kostensätze je Belastetem und Jahr variieren nach Expositionsniveau. Methodisches Vorgehen Nach der Entwicklung von immissionsbasierten Kostensätzen werden jedem gemeldeten Bewohner in Berlin möglichst exakt die Lärm- und Luftschadstoffbelastung am Wohnstandort sowie sozio-ökonomische Daten zugeordnet. Alle Daten liegen in amtlichen Quellen vor, sind aber bisher nicht zusammengeführt worden. 1. Für Lärm wird die Strategische Lärmkarte verwendet, die in Berlin für alle Wohngebäude die modellierte Lärmbelastung mit dem Lärmpegel LDEN für Straßen-, Schienen-, Flug- und Gesamtlärm enthält. Die Beschränkung auf Hauptverkehrsstraßen als Lärmquelle führt zu Ungenauigkeiten beim dominierenden Straßenlärm. Viele Bewohner, die im Bereich des Straßennebennetzes leben, sind modellbedingt nur sehr niedrigen Lärmpegeln ausgesetzt. Hier ist von einer Unterschätzung der Belastetenzahlen auszugehen. Um diesem methodischen Effekt Rechnung zu tragen, erfolgt eine Quantifizierung der Unterschätzung anhand der detaillierteren Dresdner Strategischen Lärmkarte und einer exemplarischen Vollkartierung eines Stadtteils mit dem Gesamtnetz als Lärmquelle. Darauf aufbauend wird für Berlin eine Sensitivitätsanalyse durchgeführt, bei der Mindestbelastungen durch Straßenlärm in der gesamten Stadt angenommen werden. 2. Bei Luftschadstoffen liegen modellierte Immissionen von Stickstoffdioxid und Feinstaub in Form einer Rasterkarte für die städtische Hintergrundbelastung und als Netzkarte für die Zusatzbelastung durch Verkehr entlang des Hauptstraßennetzes vor. Im Rahmen der Datenaufbereitung wird Straßenabschnitten die jeweilige Belastung zugeordnet. 3. Zur Beschreibung der sozio-ökonomischen Zusammensetzung der Bevölkerung liegen auf der Ebene von Straßenabschnitten Quoten der SGB-II-Empfänger („Hartz IV“-Sozialleistungen) und der Einwohner mit Migrationshintergrund (Ausländer und deren Nachkommen) in der amtlichen Statistik vor. In diesen Straßenabschnitten leben durchschnittlich 120 Einwohner. Der zentrale Schritt der Datenaufbereitung ist die Zusammenführung der Umwelt- und Sozialdaten auf der Ebene der Straßenabschnitte. Anhand der Anzahl der Luftschadstoff und Lärmbelasteten und mit Hilfe der Kostensätze werden die externen Kosten berechnet. Ergebnisse Wird zunächst die Umweltbelastung betrachtet, zeigt sich die ungleichmäßige Verteilung. So sind knapp 30 % der Bevölkerung nach der Strategischen Lärmkarte mit dem Lärmpegel LDEN > 55 dB belastet. Geringe Bevölkerungsanteile sind auch sehr hohen Belastungen ausgesetzt. Wird die Anzahl der Belasteten mit den Kostensätzen der externen Kosten multipliziert, entspricht diese Lärmbelastung knapp 130 Mio. Euro pro Jahr. Den größten Anteil verursacht Straßenlärm, gefolgt von Fluglärm. Entsprechend hoch sind die Belastungen durch Verkehrslärm im Bereich des Flughafens Berlin-Tegel (TXL) sowie am äußeren Rand und innerhalb der Berliner Ringbahn. Durch Luftschadstoffe sind alle Menschen in Berlin belastet, allerdings in unterschiedlichem Ausmaß. Belastungen oberhalb gesetzlicher Schwellenwerte sind in Bezug auf Feinstaub rund 142.000 Menschen und in Bezug auf Stickoxide rund 81.000 Menschen ausgesetzt. Dies entspricht externen Kosten für die Gesellschaft in Höhe von 1,9 Mrd. Euro pro Jahr. Während im Stadtzentrum die Belastung am höchsten ist, fällt sie zum Stadtrand hin tendenziell ab. Werden die externen Kosten durch Luftschadstoffe betrachtet, sind Straßenabschnitte mit hoher Migrationsquote um Faktor 2,8 stärker belastet als Straßenabschnitte mit niedriger Migrationsquote. Es tritt eine mittlere Korrelation zwischen hoher Migrationsquote und hoher Belastung auf. Bei Straßenlärm liegt der Faktor zwischen niedriger und hoher Migrationsquote bei 3,4 (Faktor 1,9 bei SGB-II-Quote). Es besteht bei Lärm eine geringe Korrelation zwischen Migrationsquote und Belastung. Die Strategische Lärmkarte für Straßenlärm beinhaltet nur die Belastung entlang des Hauptstraßennetzes. Die Quantifizierung der Unterschätzung zeigt, dass die Anzahl der Lärmbelasteten mit LDEN > 55 dB etwa 52 % höher ist als in der Berliner Strategischen Lärmkarte angegeben. Die stärksten Unterschätzungen treten im Intervall 55 < LDEN < 65 dB auf. Werden in der Sensitivitätsanalyse Straßenlärmbelastungen für alle Gebäude in Berlin angenommen, bleibt der Belastungsunterschied zwischen hohen und niedrigen Migrations- und SGB-II-Quoten bestehen. Über die Status-quo-Analyse hinaus ermöglichen die Daten einzelne Auswertungen zu Entwicklungen im Zeitverlauf. Werden die Strategischen Lärmkarten 2007 und 2012 miteinander verglichen, können, vorbehaltlich methodischer Einschränkungen, Minderungen bei der Lärmbelastung festgestellt werden. So fanden beispielsweise die Maßnahmen der Lärmaktionsplanung verstärkt in Straßenabschnitten mit hohen Migrations- und SGB-II-Quoten statt. Allerdings kann ein Effekt der Maßnahmen auf die Verteilung der Lärmbelastung nach Migrations- und SGB-II-Quoten nicht festgestellt werden. Das größte Potential zur Lärmminderung in Berlin hat die Verlegung des Flugverkehrs von TXL zum Flughafen Berlin Brandenburg (BER). Während dann die Zahl der Belasteten in Berlin sehr stark sinken wird, wird sie im Land Brandenburg nur leicht ansteigen. Insgesamt wird die Summe aller Fluglärmbelasteten LDEN > 55 dB von 256.000 auf 38.000 sinken. Bedingt durch die strukturell unterschiedliche Dichte und Zusammensetzung der Bevölkerung im Umfeld vom Flughafen BER werden nach Inbetriebnahme von BER fast nur Gebiete mit momentan niedrigen Migrations- und SGB-II-Quoten belastet sein. Schlussfolgerungen sowie weiterer Forschungsbedarf Die dargestellte Ungleichverteilung der Lärm- und Luftschadstoffbelastung markiert vermutlich eher die Untergrenze der realen Situation, da unter anderem die soziale Verteilung innerhalb von Gebäudekomplexen, z. B. bei der Hinterhausstruktur, unberücksichtigt bleibt. Außerdem gibt es Hinweise, dass weitere Benachteiligungen wie schlechte Erreichbarkeit oder bioklimatische Belastungen die Ungleichverteilung zusätzlich verstärken. Anhand der Methodik und der vorliegenden Daten kann nicht analysiert werden, durch welche Ursachen sich die heutige Struktur herausgebildet hat. Aus Untersuchungen zu externen Kosten ist bekannt, dass in Wohnungen mit höherer Lärmbelastung nur geringere Mieten gefordert werden. Diese geringeren Mieten können für Menschen mit niedrigem Einkommensniveau anziehend sein. Damit würde es auch bei einer Minderung der Umweltbelastung weiterhin Ungleichverteilungen geben. Diese Ungleichverteilung sollte ein Anlass sein, die gesundheitsrelevanten Lärm- und Luftschadstoffbelastungen wie folgt zu mindern: 1. Eine Zunahme der Umweltbelastung von sozio-ökonomisch benachteiligten Bevölkerungsgruppen sollte vermieden werden. Als Bewertungsgrundlage kann die durchgeführte flächendeckende Analyse dienen. 2. Das bereits bestehende Belastungsniveau sollte insgesamt gesenkt werden. Nur so erhalten mehr Menschen die Chance, in einer ihrer Gesundheit förderlichen Umgebung zu leben. 3. Die sozial benachteiligten Bevölkerungsgruppen sollten bei der Maßnahmenpriorisierung als zusätzlicher Faktor berücksichtigt werden. Notwendig für eine Fortschreibung des Analyseansatzes und die Übertragung auf andere Untersuchungsgebiete ist die Datenverfügbarkeit. Einerseits müssen Daten zur sozio-ökonomischen Struktur auf der Ebene von möglichst kleinräumigen Bezugseinheiten vorliegen. Andererseits müssen die Umweltdaten flächendeckend die reale Belastung widerspiegeln und von der Datenstruktur her für eine Weiterverarbeitung geeignet sein. Raum für weitere Forschungen bietet die Bewertung der sozio-ökonomischen Daten hinsichtlich ihrer Eignung bei Analysen der sozialräumlichen Verteilung. Neben der Forschung nach Gründen der Ungleichverteilung sollte auch die Rolle der Verursacher und eine mögliche Bilanz zwischen Verursachern und Belasteten betrachtet werden. Methodisch kann dazu u. a. die fortschreitende Verbreitung von Smartphones beitragen, mit denen zukünftig Umweltbelastungen und die Aktivitäten der Menschen in großem Stil gemessen werden können. Dies könnte helfen, bei Lärm- und Luftschadstoffen die teilweise nicht der realen Belastungssituation entsprechenden Daten zu verbessern. Langfristig könnte es damit leichter werden, die Infrastruktur und die Rahmenbedingungen, wie z. B. die Kosten im Verkehr, so zu gestalten, dass die Umweltbelastungen der Menschen sinken. / Background and objectives Besides their big benefits, transport activities also cause negative effects for the society including traffic congestion, accidents and environmental pollution. From the perspective of social justice the question arises whether the level of environmental impacts is unequally distributed between different groups of the population. In Germany this question is primarily answered by health science literature. In relatively small samples people were asked about their socio-economic situation and the level of exposure of pollutants was determined at their places of residence. In doing so, it was possible to prove that people of a lower socio-economic status suffer from levels of air pollution and noise above average. However, extensive environmental data and statistics concerning the whole population of a wider study area were hardly involved. Hence, the present dissertation examines how the burden of traffic related noise and air pollution is distributed between socio-economic groups. In addition to the absolute exposure, health impacts are taken into account. Spatial statistical reference units within the selected research area of Berlin are used in order to consider even small and local differences. However, this descriptive analysis does not involve the normative assessment of whether an unequal distribution should be classified as “unfair” from the perspective of society and science. Valuation of environmental effects For the analysis of the socio-spatial distribution of noise and air pollutants, reasonable and easily manageable indicators are necessary in order to aggregate the absolute environmental levels of exposure spatially as well as for socio-economic groups. For this purpose, cost factors are developed according to the concept of external costs. Additionally to the analysis of the socio-spatial distribution, this procedure allows the depiction of the economic consequences of environmental impacts. External costs value the environmental impacts which are not included in the decision making process of users for their trips. Instead, originally uninvolved third parties are affected by those impacts. Regarding road traffic, railway as well as aircraft noise the relevant health effects are high blood pressure and cardiovascular diseases including infarction and nuisances. Concerning air pollution a method is developed which allows the valuation of respiratory and cardiovascular diseases caused by nitrogen oxide and particulate matter based on the concentration of air pollutants in the outside air. The relation between the dose and its response, which describe the risk increase of environmental effects, are taken from the literature and form the basis of the valuation. The treatment costs of diseases, the costs of employment losses as well as the costs of life years lost are additionally included in the cost factors. The cost factors per person and year vary according to the level of exposition. Methodology After the development of exposure based cost factors every registered resident of Berlin is matched as precisely as possible with the noise and air exposure at the place of residence as well as with socio-economic data. All data is taken from official sources, but have not been merged together before. 1. Noise exposure is stated in the strategic noise map, which includes the modelled noise level of all residential buildings in Berlin differentiated by LDEN for road, railway, aircraft as well as total noise. Limiting the sources of noise to the main roads results in inaccuracies in regards to the dominating road traffic noise. A lot of inhabitants which live along secondary roads are therefore only exposed to very low noise levels depending on the underlying model. Hence, the underestimation of the number of exposed people is expected. In order to deal with this methodological issue, the underestimation is quantified by the detailed strategic noise map of Dresden and an exemplary complete mapping of one district which considers the whole road network as a noise source. Based on this, a sensitivity analysis for Berlin is implemented, which assumes a minimum exposure to road traffic noise throughout the whole city. 2. Data on air pollutants exists as modelled exposure to nitrogen oxide and particulate matter. It is available as a raster map of the urban background exposure as well as a network map of the additional traffic-related exposure along the arterial roads. During the data preparation road segments are matched with the specific exposure. 3. Within the official statistics two indicators describing the socio-economic composition of the population are available on the level of road segments. The first one is the proportion of people receiving social welfare benefits (SGB-II) and the second one is the proportion of people with migration background. On average 120 inhabitants live in one of those road segments. The preparation of the data focuses on merging the environmental and social data on the level of road segments. The external costs are calculated using the number of people exposed to traffic related noise and air pollutants as well as the cost factors. Results When initially concentrating on the environmental pollution, an unequal distribution appears. According to the strategic noise map about 30 % of the population is exposed to noise levels LDEN > 55 dB. A small proportion suffers from high exposures. Multiplying the number of those people with the corresponding cost factors, the total noise exposure results in about 130 million Euro per year. Road traffic noise causes the biggest share of cost followed by aircraft noise. Correspondingly the highest noise pollution occurs in the area of the airport Berlin-Tegel (TXL) and in a wide corridor along the Berlin circular railway called “Ringbahn”. All inhabitants of Berlin suffer from air pollution, albeit to different degrees. In regards to particulate matter about 142,000 people and respectively 81,000 people regarding nitrogen oxide are exposed to levels above the legal threshold values. The costs for society arising hereby accumulate to 1.9 billion Euro per year. While finding the highest levels of exposure close to the city center, the pressure falls with distance to the center. Examining the external costs of air pollution, road segments with a higher proportion of people with migration background are by the factor of 2.8 considerably more affected than road segments with a lower rate of migration. A medium correlation occurs between the rate of migration and a high exposure. Concerning road traffic noise the factor between low and high rates of migration background is 3.4 (factor 1.9 for the rate of social welfare benefits respectively). There is a low correlation between the rate of migration and the level of exposure. The strategic noise map for road traffic noise includes only the exposure along the main roads. The quantification of the underestimation shows that the number of people exposed to noise above LDEN > 55 dB is about 52 % higher than reported in the strategic noise map of Berlin. The highest underestimations occur within the range of 55 < LDEN < 65 dB. The different level of exposure between high and low rates of migration background and of social welfare recipients remains when assuming road traffic noise exposure for all buildings in Berlin within the sensitivity analysis. Beyond the status quo analysis, the data allows an evaluation over time. Comparing the strategic noise maps from 2007 and 2012, reductions in the noise exposure can be determined subject to methodological limitations. Measures of the noise action planning for instance were intensively implemented in road segments with higher shares of people with migration background as well as recipients of social welfare. However, an effect of these measures on the distribution of noise exposure according to migration and social welfare rates cannot be proven. The highest potential for noise reductions lies in the relocation of air traffic from TXL to the airport Berlin Brandenburg (BER). While strongly reducing the number of exposed people in Berlin, the number of exposed people in the state of Brandenburg will only rise to a small extent. Overall the number of people suffering from aircraft noise with LDEN > 55 dB will drop from 256,000 to 38,000. Because of the structurally diverging density and composition of the population surrounding the airport BER, almost only areas with currently low migration and social welfare rates will be exposed after the beginning of operation at the airport. Conclusions and further research The presented unequal distribution of noise and air pollution is likely to mark the lower threshold of the real situation. A reason is among other aspects the social distribution within a complex of buildings where for example the structure of rear buildings is ignored. Furthermore, there is evidence that further discrimination such as poor accessibility or bioclimatic impacts additionally reinforces the unequal distribution. By means of the methodological approach and the available data, it is not possible to analyze the initial causes of the current structure. Research concerning external costs reveals that rents are lower for apartments with higher noise exposure. Lower rents in turn are likely to attract people with low incomes. For this reason, even when reducing the environmental pollution, the unequal distribution would persist. Hence, the unequal distribution gives cause to reduce the exposure to noise and air pollutants as follows: 1. The increase of environmental pollution for people who belong to a socially disadvantaged population group should be prevented. The conducted comprehensive analysis can be used as a basis of assessment. 2. The current level of exposure must be reduced in absolute terms. Only in doing so, more people get the chance to live in an environment which benefits their health. 3. When prioritizing measures the socially disadvantaged population groups should be considered among other factors. Improving the methodological approach and the transfer to other study areas requires the availability of data. On the one hand, data about the socio-economic structure for small reference units needs to be existent. On the other hand, the environmental data needs to mirror the real levels of exposure and its structure must be suitable for further processing. The evaluation of socio-economic data gives room for further research with regard to its suitability for analyzing distributions within the social context. Besides trying to find the causes of the unequal distribution, the role of the polluters as well as the possibility to create a balance between the polluters and the exposed individuals should be considered. From a methodological perspective for instance the increasing use of smartphones can contribute to the measurement of environmental exposures and human activities on a larger scale. This could improve the data quality of noise and air pollutants, which currently only partly meets the real levels of exposure. In the long term it could be easier to shape infrastructures and general conditions such as the costs of transport in a way that the environmental impacts of people is reduced.