Indigenous communities living in Arauca department, a region located on the Eastern Plains of Colombia, are at an imminent risk of physical and cultural extermination -according to the orders 004 and 382 from the Constitutional Court of Colombia- due to a double vulnerability which stems from a historic structural violence dating from the creation of the nation-state and direct violence as a consequence of armed conflict. The physical extermination refers to the high mortality rates that this population suffers either by violence or natural death, while the cultural extermination is a result of both an accelerated process of acculturation and a progressive loss of culture, territory and respect from traditional authorities. This study, by analyzing the local context and the actions that have done harm, addresses the best practices for humanitarian interventions over the role of territory, culture, governance and autonomy as key factors for empowering community members to overcome, face or diminish the consequences of these vulnerabilities.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-04-11T14:46:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Bruno Teixeira Bahia.pdf: 1034471 bytes, checksum: 47e97743f37d64bfe12eef2d37376b16 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2016-05-02T12:31:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Bruno Teixeira Bahia.pdf: 1034471 bytes, checksum: 47e97743f37d64bfe12eef2d37376b16 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-02T12:31:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Bruno Teixeira Bahia.pdf: 1034471 bytes, checksum: 47e97743f37d64bfe12eef2d37376b16 (MD5) / Este trabalho mergulha no mundo de um grupo de extermínio, formado por policiais militares, na busca da compreensão da sua gênese, motivações e relações, não só com o Estado, principalmente com agentes e instituições do Sistema de Justiça Criminal - tais como Polícia Civil, Polícia Militar, Ministério Público e Poder Judiciário, mas com a comunidade - um bairro periférico e de população de baixo poder aquisitivo de Salvador - onde atuava predominantemente. Partindo da análise de documentos extraídos de 19 (dezenove) processos judiciais e complementados com entrevistas com os perpetradores, a pesquisa buscou dimensionar o fenômeno na busca por circunstâncias que possibilitaram a formação e a atuação deste grupo de extermínio, o qual, atuando livremente em um bairro de Salvador, por quase três anos, vitimou, pelo menos, 26 (vinte e seis) pessoas. O estudo ainda revela as dificuldades de adequação das práticas do grupo ao conceito de Vigilantismo, já que aponta para uma atuação mais ampla destes agentes, especializados no uso da violência, dentro de um mercado violento informal. Por fim, as pesquisas revelaram que a força deste grupo de extermínio não se esgotava na violência empreendia por seus agentes, mas que era incrementada com o apoio de uma rede de participantes os quais, ainda que não se envolvessem diretamente nas execuções, lhes garantia informação e proteção, potencializando as ações e o medo provocados pela prática.This paper delves into the world of a death squad formed by military police in the search for understanding of its genesis, motivations and relationships, not only with the state, especially with agents and institutions of the criminal justice system - such as civil police, Military Police, Public Ministry and judiciary, but with the community - an outlying neighborhood and low income population of Salvador - where he worked predominantly. Based on the extracted document analysis of nineteen (19) lawsuits and supplemented with interviews with the perpetrators, the research sought to scale the phenomenon in the search for circumstances that made possible the formation and performance of this death squad, which, freely acting in a neighborhood of Salvador, for almost three years, killed at least 26 (twenty six) people. The study also reveals the difficulties of adapting the group practices the concept of vigilantism, already pointing to a wider action of these agents who specialize in the use of violence within a violent informal market. Finally, the research revealed that the strength of this death squad was not just the violence waged by its agents, but that was increased with the support of a network of participants who, even if not directly involved in the executions, provide them with information and protection, increasing the actions and fear caused by the practice.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-05-17T12:19:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 angelitarangelferreira.pdf: 1529339 bytes, checksum: 1ffa15a9c1263e370fa57a4d831d5f75 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-17T16:22:28Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 angelitarangelferreira.pdf: 1529339 bytes, checksum: 1ffa15a9c1263e370fa57a4d831d5f75 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-17T16:22:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 angelitarangelferreira.pdf: 1529339 bytes, checksum: 1ffa15a9c1263e370fa57a4d831d5f75 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-08-24 / A utilização de práticas consideradas criminosas na busca de satisfação de necessidades leva muitos dos sujeitos que a utilizam, sobretudo, aquele cuja inserção na vida social se dá de forma subalternizada, à prisão. E, mesmo depois de cumprir pena de privação de liberdade, esses sujeitos permanecem com essas mesmas práticas, o que demonstra a ineficácia do sistema prisional em cumprir seu suposto objetivo, o de ressocializar. Assim sendo, o objetivo da presente pesquisa de mestrado é identificar, a partir das vozes daqueles que a protagonizam – homens e mulheres privados de liberdade no Centro de Remanejamento do Sistema Prisional – CERESP de Ipatinga/MG –, os fatores sociais, políticos, econômicos, históricos e culturais que os impelem a reproduzir o percurso crime-prisão-liberdadecrime, num circulo vicioso sem fim. Para tanto, compreendemos que a sociedade capitalista se organiza de tal forma que “obriga” as pessoas a criarem estratégias para sobreviver nela. Essa sobrevivência, para alguns, diz respeito à reprodução física e espiritual e, para outros, ao processo de acumulação de capital. É nessa perspectiva de satisfação de necessidades que pontuamos a criminalidade como um recurso mobilizado pelas classes sociais. Para a classe privilegiada, os atos qualificados como crime, podem ser utilizados como forma de satisfazer a necessidade de ampliação da acumulação de riqueza, de dinheiro e de poder já para a classe mais subalternizada, pode servir como forma de satisfazer a necessidade de reproduzir-se e sobreviver num sistema cujas principais categorias de análise são alienação, exploração e desigualdades. Nossos pesquisados apontam vários fatores como motivadores da reincidência no crime, mas, entendemos que eles o fazem de forma acrítica, imediata e aparente, visto estarem submersos em processos alienantes antes, durante e depois de experimentarem a privação de liberdade. Mas a análise aqui realizada busca identificar e compreender, a partir da utilização do método crítico dialético, onde reside a essência do problema da reincidência no crime. / The use of practices deemed criminal in search of satisfaction of needs leads many of the individuals that use it, especially one whose insertion in social life takes on a lesser role, to prison. And even after serving sentences of imprisonment, these remain subject to these same practices, which demonstrates the ineffectiveness of the prison system to meet its purported goal, to re-socialize. Therefore, the aim of this Master thesis is to identify, from the voices of those who are protagonists - men and women deprived of liberty in the Relocation Center of Prisons - CERESP Ipatinga / MG - the social, political, economic, historical and cultural factors that stimulate them to reproduce the route crime-prison-free-crime, a vicious circle without end. For that, we understand that capitalist society is organized so that "compels" people to create strategies to survive it. This survival, for some, concerns the physical and spiritual reproduction, and for others, the process of capital accumulation. In this prospect the crime is a satisfaction of needs and, at this, it‟s infact, stimulated by social inequality. For the privileged class, the acts qualified as criminal, may be used as a way to satisfy the need to increase the accumulation of wealth, money and power. Already to the class most undervalued, may serve as a way to satisfy the need to reproduce and survive in a system whose main categories of analysis are alienation, exploitation and inequality. Our respondents point to several factors as motivators of recidivism in crime, but we understand that they do so uncritically, immediately and ostensibly, seeing that they are submerged in alienating processes before, during and after experiencing the deprivation of liberty. But the analysis conducted here seeks to identify and understand, from the use of dialectical critical method, which is the essence of the problem of recidivism.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-05-17T13:20:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 sandragomesdasilva.pdf: 877722 bytes, checksum: 9068fc43ca069bbd73afdec39d557870 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-17T16:22:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 sandragomesdasilva.pdf: 877722 bytes, checksum: 9068fc43ca069bbd73afdec39d557870 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-17T16:22:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 sandragomesdasilva.pdf: 877722 bytes, checksum: 9068fc43ca069bbd73afdec39d557870 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / A crise estrutural do capitalismo, desencadeada entre o final dos anos de 1960 e meados dos 70, foi o marco das transformações mais contundentes das relações sociais no mundo contemporâneo. A partir dela, novas configurações tomam forma no âmbito da política, da economia, da cultura e das instituições de forma ampla. O que diferencia este estágio conhecido como o tardo-capitalismo dos momentos anteriores, é a falência da prerrogativa de “civilidade” e a imersão da sociedade no estágio mais dramático da barbárie. As instituições que sempre serviram como os pilares da sociedade burguesa entraram no novo século em processo de franco abalo. As medidas apresentadas como resposta imediata às expressões desta crise intensificaram as características repressivas, que não obstante, são características do Estado capitalista. Por tais razões, este trabalho objetiva refletir sobre o crescimento exponencial das ações de encarceramento e de extermínio no Brasil, nas duas últimas décadas. Consideramos que tais formas de controle social, que pesam sobre uma determinada fração do excedente da força de trabalho, constituem a mais trágica expressão da crise do Estado, indissociavelmente ligada, na atualidade, ao movimento de crise estrutural do capitalismo. Reconhecemos que este quadro é indicativo de regressão da sociedade tendendo à barbárie. / The capitalism structural crisis, triggered between the late 1960s and the mid-70’s, was a mark of the most remarkable transformations of social relations in the contemporary world. From that, new configurations take shape in the politics, economy, culture fields and, broadly, in institutions. What distinguishes this stage known as late-capitalism of earlier times, is the bankruptcy of the "civilization" prerogative and the society immersion in the most dramatic stage of barbarism. Institutions that have always served as the pillars of bourgeois society got into the new century in the process of frank shock. The measures presented as an immediate response to expressions of this crisis intensified the repressive features, which nevertheless are characteristic of the capitalist state. For these reasons, this work reflects on the exponential growth of the imprisonment and extermination actions in Brazil, in the last two decades. We believe that such forms of social control, which weigh about a certain fraction of the surplus labor force, constitute the most tragic expression of the Government crisis, inextricably linked, in actuality, to the movement of the capitalism structural crisis. We recognize that this framework is indicative of society regression, tending to barbarism.

Submitted by ANA KARLA PEREIRA RODRIGUES (anakarla_@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-27T12:35:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1101166 bytes, checksum: 140740be19433a16721ed571a9cc8fb6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-27T12:35:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1101166 bytes, checksum: 140740be19433a16721ed571a9cc8fb6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-10 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / In this dissertation, our research’s object is centered in the use of key concepts of camp, biopolitics, homo sacer and exception, under the form of extermination, especially consolidated after the last Brazilian military regime of 1964 in its permanent into the current democratic regime, in 2014. Our problem question can be formulated as follows: Is there a continuity of authoritarian policies in Brazil, after so many years of dictatorship, in relation to those excluded by the system? Those who are life-killing, but not sacrificable, through extermination as a paradigm of contemporary government? In this way, we start from the hypothesis that the Brazilian military regime, terminated in 1985, based on the National Security Doctrine and the biopolitical management of the Brazilian government historically considered, together with the practices still present, fifty years after the beginning that regime and three decades after its completion are reflected in a camp’s form as a modern biopolitical paradigm on the indolent and useless bodies of society, notably the poor and opponents of the regime. This hypothesis are supported by adaptive interpretation from the contributions of Homo Sacer, State of Exception, articles and interviews of Giorgio Agamben, into previous readings to the research, perceive the existence of traces of this theory that can be applied to Brazil: the existence of the camp as a modern biopolitical paradigm; the torture, extermination and enforced disappearance persisting’s practices; and, a true regime of permanent exception, with determinable time and space, on the population possibly converted as homini sacri. Therefore, the present dissertation will use a deductive approach methodology, together with a historicalcomparative procedure method and a bibliographic research technique to explain the current Brazilian situation. The organization of this work will be in three chapters: first, we determine the assumptions present in this work, presenting the Brazilian historicalpolitical antecedents’, the biopolitical archeology of the contemporary state and the agambenian conceptual discussions of homo sacer, camp, biopolitics and permanent exception. Next, we seek a definition of forced disappearance and extermination between the various key-concepts close to it, and delimit the practice and theory of dictatorship and democracy in relation to our key concepts. In the last part, we present the Brazilian biopolitical governance paradigm, the place of Agambenian camp execution and permanent extermination and the confrontations and uncertainties about the life-that-canbe- killed in Brazil. The objective is to present the historical-philosophical assumptions of the Military Dictatorship to the Six Republic, the institutional approach of homo sacer in the Brazilian State and the challenges and threats to democratic consolidation in Brazil. It concludes by confirming the hypothesis, partially to the focused period, converging the previous historical practice to the military regime for the analyzed period, at the same time that it points out ways and difficulties in the probability of expansion of this extermination. / Nesta dissertação, nosso objeto de pesquisa está centrado numa leitura biopolítica da histórica brasileira, a partir dos aportes de Giorgio Agamben, sob a forma de extermínio, especialmente consolidado após o último regime militar brasileiro de 1964 naquilo em que permanece no regime democrático atual, em 2014. A nossa pergunta-problema pode ser assim formulada: Há de se falar de uma continuidade das políticas autoritárias do Brasil, passados tantos anos da ditadura, em relação a aqueles excluídos pelo sistema, aqueles que são vida matável impunemente, através do extermínio como paradigma de governo contemporâneo? Desta forma, partimos da hipótese que o regime militar brasileiro, encerrado em 1985, tendo por base teórica a Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e da histórica gestão biopolítica brasileira, em conjunto com as práticas ainda presentes, cinquenta anos depois do início daquele regime e três décadas após o seu término se refletem em uma forma de campo como paradigma biopolítico moderno sobre os corpos indóceis e inúteis da sociedade, destacadamente os pobres e opositores ao regime. Essa hipótese alicerça-se na interpretação adaptativa a partir dos aportes das obras Homo Sacer, Estado de Exceção, artigos e entrevistas de Giorgio Agamben, parte destas leituras prévias à pesquisa, percebendo a existência de traços desta teoria que podem ser aplicados ao Brasil: a existência do campo como paradigma biopolítico moderno; a persistência de práticas de tortura, de extermínio e desaparecimento forçado; e, um verdadeiro regime de exceção permanente, com tempo e espaço determináveis, sobre a população potencialmente convertida como homini sacri. Para tanto, a presente dissertação utilizou de uma metodologia de abordagem dedutivo, em conjunto com um método de procedimento histórico-comparativo e com técnica de pesquisa bibliográfica para explicitar a situação atual brasileira. A organização deste trabalho se dará em três capítulos: primeiramente determinamos os pressupostos presentes neste trabalho, apresentando os antecedentes histórico-políticos brasileiro, a arqueologia biopolítica do Estado contemporâneo e as discussões conceituais agambenianas de homo sacer, campo, biopolítica e de exceção permanente. Em seguida, buscamos uma definição de desaparecimento forçado e extermínio entre os vários conceitos próximos a este e delimitamos a prática e a teoria da ditadura e da democracia em relação aos nossos conceitos-chave. Na última parte, expomos o paradigma de governo biopolítico brasileiro, o local do campo agambeniano de extermínio e os enfrentamentos e as incertezas sobre a vida matável no Brasil. Objetiva-se, assim, apresentar os pressupostos histórico-filosóficos da Ditadura Militar à Sexta República, a abordagem institucional do homo sacer no Estado Brasileiro e desafios e as ameaças a consolidação democrática no Brasil. Conclui-se pela confirmação da hipótese, parcialmente ao período enfocado, confluindo a prática histórica anterior ao regime militar para o período analisado, ao mesmo tempo que aponta caminhos e dificuldades frente a probabilidade de expansão desse extermínio.

Lilburn W. Boggs and the Case for Jacksonian Democracy Robert John Walker Department of Religion, BYU Masters of Religious Education Lilburn W. Boggs was lieutenant governor of Missouri from 1832 to 1836. He was governor of Missouri from 1836 to 1840. Political upheaval was the order of the day as Jacksonian democrats overthrew, through the power of the ballot box, the establishment of the patrician leadership in the United States. Issues of equity, slavery, religion, settlement of the West, and divisive sectionalism threatened the Union of the states. President Andrew Jackson was the representation of the common man and the enemy of the monied oligarchy that assumed the right to rule the common people. Jackson's leadership enabled a powerful change in party politics as he became the charismatic figurehead of the Jacksonian Democratic Party. Boggs was a protégé of Thomas Hart Bennett, the powerful ally of Jackson and leading senator from Missouri. Boggs, beginning as a young man, rode the coattails of Benton right into the governor's mansion in Columbia, Missouri. This thesis examines Boggs' life and political career to ascertain whether or not he was truly a Jackson man as he represented himself to be to the electorate.

Cette thèse a pour objet d’examiner les tribunaux ad hoc en analysant leur définition en droit international public, leurs principes juridiques fondateurs, leur compétence face aux crimes internationaux et leurs objectifs pour déterminer s’il existe un statut international commun pour ces tribunaux. La mise en œuvre des premiers tribunaux ad hoc sur la scène internationale après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les TMI de Nuremberg et de Tokyo, était due à l’incapacité ou à l’absence de volonté du système judiciaire interne des pays intéressés pour traduire en justice les auteurs des crimes de guerre. Par la suite, neuf tribunaux ad hoc ont été créés (soit unilatéralement par le Conseil de sécurité, soit par un accord international) en vue de juger les crimes internationaux les plus monstrueux, tels que les crimes de génocide, les crimes contre l’humanité et les crimes de guerre. Nous pouvons dire à cet égard que les tribunaux ad hoc bénéficient de tous les mécanismes nécessaires pour être efficaces, comme la responsabilité pénale individuelle, la primauté sur les juridictions nationales et l'obligation des Etats de coopérer, et ils ont réussi à satisfaire l'objectif de justice. Toutefois, ces tribunaux s'étaient vu attribuer, outre leur fonction naturelle d'assurer la justice, un objectif supplémentaire, à savoir la réalisation de la paix et de la sécurité internationales, objectif qu'ils n'ont pu réaliser, car un organe juridique ne peut pas atteindre un objectif dont les motifs sont politiques. Après avoir étudié le statut des tribunaux ad hoc, et nécessairement avoir analysé tous les textes qui organisent la fonction de ces Tribunaux, nous sommes à même de confirmer que les tribunaux ad hoc ne seront pas remplacés par d'autres types d'organes de justice, tels que la justice transitionnelle et la compétence universelle. En outre, malgré l'entrée en fonction de la CPI en 2002, en tant que Cour permanente, nous assisterons à de nouvelles créations de tribunaux ad hoc, dont les statuts pourront s'inspirer du statut commun et de nos propositions personnelles. / The purpose of this thesis is to examine the ad hoc tribunals by analysing their definition in international public law, their founding legal principles, their jurisdiction over international crimes and their goals to determine wether there is a common international status for these tribunals.The implementation of the first ad hoc tribunals on the international stage after World War II, the IMT of Nuremberg and Tokyo, was due to the inability or unwillingness of the internal judicial system in the countries concerned to bring the perpetrators of war crimes to justice.Subsequently, nine ad hoc tribunals were established (either unilaterally by the Security Council or through an international agreement) with a view to prosecute the most monstrous crimes, such as crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. In this respect, we can say that the ad hoc tribunals benefit from all the mechanisms required to be efficient, such as individual criminal responsibility, primacy over nation courts and the obligation of States to cooperate,and they have succeeded to achieve the purpose of justice.However, in addition to their natural function to ensure justice, these tribunals had been given a further aim : to achieve international peace and security. They were not able to achieve this aim, because a legal body cannot reach a goal whose motives are political.After studying the status of the ad hoc tribunals and thus necessarily analysing all the texts which organise the function of these tribunals, we are in a position to confirm that the ad hoc tribunals will not be replaced by other judicial bodies, such as transitional justice or universal jurisdiction.Moreover, despite the entry into force of the ICC as a permanent court in 2002, new ad hoc tribunals will be established. Their status could be based on the common status and on our proposals.