Depuis quelques années, les États adoptent des politiques qui cherchent à séparer l’admission des réfugiés sur le territoire d’un État et l’attribution du statut de réfugié. En Europe, ce genre de politique est désigné par le terme externalisation. Cependant, par souci d’objectivité, nous avons choisi d’employer le terme extraterritorial. En effet, l’expression externalisation comporte en elle-même la critique de son objet. En Europe, aucune politique qui dissocie l’attribution du statut de réfugié et l’entrée sur le territoire d’un État n’a été mise en place, toutefois, cette idée fait partie des réflexions institutionnelles et elle reste un objectif de l’agenda européen. Ce mémoire cherche donc à analyser la proposition de traitement extraterritorial des demandes de statut de réfugié, faite en Europe, au regard de l’obligation la plus contraignante au sein du droit international des réfugiés : le principe de non refoulement. En ce sens, il sera nécessaire d'analyser l'étendue ainsi que les limites du principe de non refoulement, au regard de l’interprétation et de la mise en œuvre qui en sont faites. Ce mémoire démontrera que derrière une vive polémique sur la question, la proposition de traitement extraterritorial des demandes de statut de réfugié est compatible avec l’article 33 alinéa 1 de la Convention relative au statut des réfugiés. / For the past few years, States have been adopting policies aimed at separating the admission of refugees on a territory from the determination of their refugee status. In Europe, this kind of political choice is usually designated by the term externalization. However, we have used the term extraterritorial to qualify this process, as we felt that externalization lacked objectivity. Indeed, externalization contains an implicit criticism of our research object. In Europe, these extraterritorial policies have not yet attained a legal status. Indeed, no legal rules are being currently applied which provide for the dissociation between admission and determination. Nevertheless, this idea is part of ongoing reflections and it remains an objective of the European agenda. This thesis analyzes the legality of the European proposal related to an extraterritorial treatment of the status of refugee, in light of the theoretical principle of non-refoulement which is at the heart of the protection granted to refugees by international refugee law. To this end, it is necessary to analyze the scope and the legal limits of the non-refoulement principle in regards to its interpretation and implementation. Although there exists a lively debate on this issue, extraterritorial treatment of refugee claims does not, at least prima facie, violate the principle of non-refoulement enshrined in s. 33, para. 1 of the Convention relating to refugee status.

It has been two decades since the terrorist attacks on September 11. These events were the starting shot for the US war on terrorism, which has resulted in extreme challenges for human rights treaties. Several people have fallen victim to the US protection measures, which have included a detention and interrogation program and extraordinary renditions. The US protection measures have resulted in military invasions, kidnappings, detentions, and acts of torture. Even though black sites are no longer secret, has nobody ever been held responsible for these crimes. The question of who should be held responsible for the systematic violations of the United States is therefore necessary to discuss as this is a problem that characterizes the international legal system still today. The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether the US legal argument for justifying enhanced interrogation techniques and extraordinary renditions is consistent with the human rights treaties. The study examines the extent to which the US exercises jurisdiction over people who are subject to extraordinary renditions. Furthermore, it is also important to investigate if extraordinary renditions conflict with two treaties that have been approved in the United States and consequently the legitimacy of the arguments will be tested against CAT and ICCPR. The problem has been analysed in the light of jurisdiction. The interpretation of the concept of jurisdiction in general international law and human rights treaties constitutes an essential issue regarding states’ responsibilities to uphold and respect the human rights within the research area and research questions. The study focuses primarily on the question of when a state has obligations under human right treaties outside of its own territory. The issue of jurisdiction has been discussed primarily in international courts since Bankovic. The investigation shows that people that have been subject to extraordinary renditions as well as the detention and interrogation program fall under US jurisdiction. According to case law, the study establishes that the United States exercises effective control over the people in the event of extraordinary renditions. Moreover, the study claims that state responsibility can be attributed to the US for having failed in its obligations to respect and protect human rights in the war on terrorism.

A presente dissertação objetiva verificar a possibilidade de utilização dos cartéis de exportação tendo em vista o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Para tanto, um importante corte metodológico foi realizado: somente questões relativas ao direito constitucional e ao direito concorrencial foram analisadas, deixando-se de lado aquelas que nos são trazidas pelo direito internacional e pela ciência econômica. O trabalho pode ser dividido em três grandes partes. A primeira cuida de justificar a escolha do tema cartéis de exportação. Para tanto, nos valemos da idéia de que as exportações são importante instrumento do qual se valem os Estados para equilibrar a sua atividade econômica e fomentar/financiar o seu desenvolvimento. A segunda parte cuida dos acordos entre concorrentes. Nesse passo, realizamos um pequeno estudo sobre as principais Escolas ideológicas que pretendem interpretar o direito antitruste e apontar a forma correta para a sua aplicação. Em seguida, cuidamos dos cartéis clássicos (os hard core cartels) e tratamos de diferenciá-los dos demais acordos entre concorrentes. É hora então de cuidarmos especificamente dos cartéis de exportação. Traremos as suas principais características, classificações e os benefícios e malefícios que são apontados pela doutrina. Bem definidos esses instrumentos, adentramos em um terreno bastante inóspito, que é o da forma pela qual os cartéis de exportação são encarados pelos Estados e pelas associações internacionais. Observaremos que, a despeito de serem utilizados por países como os Estados Unidos, existe uma tendência de que sejam tratados como condutas anticompetitivas, a semelhança dos cartéis clássicos. Uma das possíveis justificativas para isso seria a adoção generalizada dos conceitos da Escola de Chicago e das teorias econômicas neoclássicas. A principal crítica realizada por esses doutrinadores é a de que os cartéis de exportação são formas indevidas de atuação do Estado na economia que alteram as condições naturais de concorrência no mercado internacional. A última parte dessa dissertação está voltada para a inserção de toda a discussão promovida na moldura que nos é trazida pela Constituição Federal de 1988 e pela lei Antitruste brasileira (Lei 8884/1994). Para o texto constitucional, nosso enfoque será principalmente o dos artigos 3° (objetivos fundamentais da República Federativa do Brasil) e 170 (princípios gerais da atividade econômica). Com relação à lei antitruste, a discussão será voltada para a forma pela qual os cartéis de exportação são disciplinados por nossa lei. / The present essay aims to verify the possibility of using export cartels, considering the Brazilian Law system. For that, an important methodological cut has been done: only matters regarding constitutional law and anti-trust law have been analyzed, leaving apart those matters that are brought to us by the international law and economical science. It can be divided in three big parts. The first one handles the justification for the choice of the subject export cartels. For that, we make use of the idea that the exportations are an important instrument for the Countries to balance their economical activity and stimulate/finance their development. The second part deals with the agreements between competitors. At this pace, we made a small study about the main ideological stream, that intend to understand the antitrust law and identify the correct form for its application. Following that, we mention the classical cartels (the hard core cartels) and differentiate them from the other agreements between competitors. It is time then to handle the export cartels. We mention their main traits, classification, benefits and losses that are pointed by the doctrine. Being those instruments well defined, we enter and uninviting terrain, that is the way that the countries and International Associations face the export cartels. We observe that, despite being used by countries like United States, there is a tendency to treat it like uncompetitive behavior, resembling the classical cartels. One of the possible explanations for that would be the general adoption of the concepts brought by the Chicago stream and the neoclassical economical theories. The authors main critic is that the export cartels are inappropriate methods of Government intervention in the Economy that alters the natural conditions of the competition in the international market. The last part of such essay is dedicated to the insertion of all the discussion promoted in the patters that are brought to us by the Federal Constitution of 1988 and the Anti-trust Brazilian Law (Law 8884/1994). Regarding the constitutional text, our focus in mainly on the 3rd article (fundamental goals of the Brazilian Federal Republic), and the article 170 (general principles of the economical activity). Regarding the Anti-trust law, the discussion is facing the way that the export cartels are ruled by such area of our legal system.

Avec l’accentuation du libéralisme, les entreprises multinationales ne cessent d’être de plus en plus présentes dans les États en développement, et certaines sont peu scrupuleuses du respect des normes environnementales. Par ailleurs, notons que la plupart de ces États ne disposent pas de mécanismes juridiques contraignant ces entreprises de répondre à d’éventuels crimes contre l’environnement qu’elles sont susceptibles de commettre sur leurs territoires. Or, en l’absence de telles dispositions, peu de sociétés se conforment aux politiques permettant d’internaliser les risques en raison de leur coût élevé. La volonté de maximiser le profit amène ces entreprises à se livrer à des actes attentatoires à l’environnement, à la santé et à la sécurité des individus lorsque rien ne les contraint à procéder autrement. De façon générale, il appartient à l’État sur le territoire duquel opère une société de réglementer ses activités. Précisons que dans plusieurs États en développement, les entreprises multinationales échappent aux mesures contraignantes en vertu de l’influence financière qu’elles exercent sur les dirigeants de ces États. De même, l’impunité des crimes contre l’environnement commis dans les pays en développement découle aussi du manque de volonté politique accentué par le phénomène de la corruption. Malgré la multiplicité de traités et de conventions internationales dédiés à la protection de l'environnement, ces instruments ne sont pas directement applicables aux sociétés multinationales, considérées comme des acteurs non-étatiques. Alors, les pays développés d’où proviennent la majeure partie des entreprises multinationales sont appelés à combler cette lacune en prenant des mesures qui obligent leurs entreprises à se préoccuper de la préservation de l’environnement dans leurs activités. Cette thèse propose d’examiner les mécanismes juridiques par lesquels les crimes contre l’environnement survenus dans les pays en développement peuvent entraîner des poursuites pénales au Canada. En l’absence de législation ayant une portée extraterritoriale explicite en la matière, cela exige de se référer au droit existant et de proposer une nouvelle approche d’interprétation et d’adaptation tenant compte des récents développements envisageant la protection de l’environnement comme une valeur fondamentale pour la société canadienne. De nos jours, la portée de la protection de l’environnement au Canada requiert l’abandon des anciennes conceptions du principe de la territorialité pour adopter une autre approche plus soucieuse des nouvelles réalités entraînées par la mondialisation économique. Il serait donc légitime pour le Canada d’étendre sa compétence pour réprimer les crimes contre l’environnement survenus à l’étranger lors des activités menées par ses ressortissants. La nécessité de réprimer les atteintes à l’environnement survenues à l’étranger devient plus pressante lorsque ces crimes présentent un degré de gravité comparable à celui des crimes internationaux. / Due to trade liberalization, multinational enterprises (MNEs) are overwhelmingly engaged in developing countries’ industries. Unfortunately, many of those MNEs pay scant attention to environmental preservation. Yet, almost all developing countries lack effective rules designed to protect the environment from polluting activities operated by MNEs. In the absence of any incentive, it is impossible for MNEs to avoid environmentally harmful operations. As economic agents, MNEs are not willing to adopt environmental protection costs without any legislation compelling them to do so. The profit maximization rationale underlying corporate policy leaves little room for incurring environmental preservation costs and only voluntary measures are applied in the management of polluting operations. As a general principle, the regulation of MNEs’ conduct falls upon the State whose territory is directly harmed by polluting operations. However, the lack of resources of developing countries as well as the financial influence of MNEs has weakened environmental protection regulation in many states. The preservation of the environment from polluting activities of MNEs has also undermined by the lack of political will of developing countries which is increased by the corruption phenomenon. Despite the large number of international treaties and conventions designed to protect the environment from pollutant threats, those international instruments cannot directly apply to MNEs as they are non-state actors. Hence, developed countries, under whose law many MNEs are incorporated, are required to fill this gap in regulating their MNEs’ activities abroad. This dissertation suggests the examination of juridical mechanisms by which environmental crimes which take place in developing countries may trigger criminal prosecution in Canada. Given the absence of Canadian regulation dealing explicitly with extraterritorial criminal conduct of MNEs, this research seeks to provide a new approach to existing law in order to deal with transnational environmental crimes, bearing in mind that environmental protection has emerged as a fundamental value in Canadian society. Nowadays, the values represented by environmental protection entail the shift of the traditional territoriality principle since worldwide economic activities have brought transnational threats of global concern. Therefore, we hold that Canada would be entitled to extend its competence so as to assert jurisdiction over environmental crimes occurred abroad during operations conducted by Canadian citizens. The need to assert extraterritorial jurisdiction to environmental crimes committed within foreign sovereignty becomes more pressing if those crimes reach the same level of gravity as international crimes.

每當論及清朝中國自鴉片戰爭以來的對外關係，一般都認為是清朝中國被迫簽訂大量不停等條約之「屈辱外交」的開始，特別是在對外司法審判的議題上，大多認為清朝給與外國所謂「領事裁判權」的權利，造成中國司法管轄權的損害。但事實上，這種所謂「領事裁判權」的現象，在中國本身涉及外人在華犯罪的處置上，是普遍被採行的作法，不僅是過去中國歷代均有的慣例，就連清朝本身與俄羅斯簽訂的〈尼布楚條約〉，也被學界公認為是清朝中國第一個對等互惠的對外條約。姑且不論日後領事裁判權對中國的傷害為何，僅以清朝中國在簽約當下的時空背景來看，中國給予西方國家「領事裁判權」一事究竟該如何理解，值得後人重新檢視。 本文研究主旨在於用「同時代史觀」的視角，以清朝簽約當下的時空背景，來重新檢視清朝中國涉外司法審判。本文首先整理了中國自唐朝至明朝以來對涉外司法審判的沿革，並且爬梳清朝中國涉外司法審判的模式，從中發現清朝中國給予西方國家「領事裁判權」的做法，是符合清朝中國對外關係的邏輯思維，並證明清朝中國隊在華外人的司法態度，與中國自唐代以來的對在華外人的司法態度是一致的。本文認為，領事裁判權成為「屈辱外交」的意涵，是因為後人以歐洲近代國際法話語權下的「民族國家」視角來檢視過去清朝中國的對外關係，並且在不理解清朝中國固有對外秩序的邏輯下所做出的評斷。 / When it comes to China’s foreign relations in late Qing dynasty, the government has been criticized for its “humiliated diplomacy”, especially on the issue of extraterritorial jurisdiction since the Treaty of Nanking between China and Britain. The authorization of consular jurisdiction to foreign countries is often considered as sabotage for the jurisdiction of China. However, the criticism is questionable because offering extraterritorial jurisdiction is ubiquitous among every dynasty in China. Even in Qing dynasty, the juridical attitude of China in the Treaty of Nerchinsk signed in 1689 with Russia is often recognized by academia as reciprocity to foreign country. Regardless of the disadvantages in the future, this act of giving extraterritorial jurisdiction by Qing dynasty at that time is worth to be scrutinized again. With this in mind, the purpose of this thesis is to discover the pattern of judgments involving foreigners from Tang to Qing dynasty in China. We also discuss about the response of Qing government when it faced the request of extraterritorial jurisdiction from foreign countries. In addition, a reinterpretation of the attitude toward the judgments involving foreigners of Qing dynasty is based on the perspective of China indigenous order to foreign relations. The research analyzes the settlement of judgments involving foreigners in different dynasties of China, confirming the consistency to China indigenous order to foreign relations and evolution during the Qing period. At last, this thesis overthrew the humiliation impression in contemporary understanding of the diplomacy in Qing dynasty, arguing such attitude is interpreted later by the concept of “nation state” , which is developed from early modern European countries to judge the international relations of Qing dynasty without understanding the Chinese foreign relations comprehensively.

A presente dissertação objetiva verificar a possibilidade de utilização dos cartéis de exportação tendo em vista o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Para tanto, um importante corte metodológico foi realizado: somente questões relativas ao direito constitucional e ao direito concorrencial foram analisadas, deixando-se de lado aquelas que nos são trazidas pelo direito internacional e pela ciência econômica. O trabalho pode ser dividido em três grandes partes. A primeira cuida de justificar a escolha do tema cartéis de exportação. Para tanto, nos valemos da idéia de que as exportações são importante instrumento do qual se valem os Estados para equilibrar a sua atividade econômica e fomentar/financiar o seu desenvolvimento. A segunda parte cuida dos acordos entre concorrentes. Nesse passo, realizamos um pequeno estudo sobre as principais Escolas ideológicas que pretendem interpretar o direito antitruste e apontar a forma correta para a sua aplicação. Em seguida, cuidamos dos cartéis clássicos (os hard core cartels) e tratamos de diferenciá-los dos demais acordos entre concorrentes. É hora então de cuidarmos especificamente dos cartéis de exportação. Traremos as suas principais características, classificações e os benefícios e malefícios que são apontados pela doutrina. Bem definidos esses instrumentos, adentramos em um terreno bastante inóspito, que é o da forma pela qual os cartéis de exportação são encarados pelos Estados e pelas associações internacionais. Observaremos que, a despeito de serem utilizados por países como os Estados Unidos, existe uma tendência de que sejam tratados como condutas anticompetitivas, a semelhança dos cartéis clássicos. Uma das possíveis justificativas para isso seria a adoção generalizada dos conceitos da Escola de Chicago e das teorias econômicas neoclássicas. A principal crítica realizada por esses doutrinadores é a de que os cartéis de exportação são formas indevidas de atuação do Estado na economia que alteram as condições naturais de concorrência no mercado internacional. A última parte dessa dissertação está voltada para a inserção de toda a discussão promovida na moldura que nos é trazida pela Constituição Federal de 1988 e pela lei Antitruste brasileira (Lei 8884/1994). Para o texto constitucional, nosso enfoque será principalmente o dos artigos 3° (objetivos fundamentais da República Federativa do Brasil) e 170 (princípios gerais da atividade econômica). Com relação à lei antitruste, a discussão será voltada para a forma pela qual os cartéis de exportação são disciplinados por nossa lei. / The present essay aims to verify the possibility of using export cartels, considering the Brazilian Law system. For that, an important methodological cut has been done: only matters regarding constitutional law and anti-trust law have been analyzed, leaving apart those matters that are brought to us by the international law and economical science. It can be divided in three big parts. The first one handles the justification for the choice of the subject export cartels. For that, we make use of the idea that the exportations are an important instrument for the Countries to balance their economical activity and stimulate/finance their development. The second part deals with the agreements between competitors. At this pace, we made a small study about the main ideological stream, that intend to understand the antitrust law and identify the correct form for its application. Following that, we mention the classical cartels (the hard core cartels) and differentiate them from the other agreements between competitors. It is time then to handle the export cartels. We mention their main traits, classification, benefits and losses that are pointed by the doctrine. Being those instruments well defined, we enter and uninviting terrain, that is the way that the countries and International Associations face the export cartels. We observe that, despite being used by countries like United States, there is a tendency to treat it like uncompetitive behavior, resembling the classical cartels. One of the possible explanations for that would be the general adoption of the concepts brought by the Chicago stream and the neoclassical economical theories. The authors main critic is that the export cartels are inappropriate methods of Government intervention in the Economy that alters the natural conditions of the competition in the international market. The last part of such essay is dedicated to the insertion of all the discussion promoted in the patters that are brought to us by the Federal Constitution of 1988 and the Anti-trust Brazilian Law (Law 8884/1994). Regarding the constitutional text, our focus in mainly on the 3rd article (fundamental goals of the Brazilian Federal Republic), and the article 170 (general principles of the economical activity). Regarding the Anti-trust law, the discussion is facing the way that the export cartels are ruled by such area of our legal system.

No description available.

Genom åren har flyktingar och andra skyddsbehövande gjort försök att ta sig till Europa. Avsaknaden av reguljära vägar har dock resulterat i att hundratusentals människor har mist sina liv på de alternativa vägarna längs Medelhavet. År 2015 var migrationsströmmarna till Europa mest frekventa, vilket uppenbarade en ineffektivitet i EU:s migrationspolitik. Situationen med de ökade migrationsströmmarna har kommit att kallas för en flyktingkris, som har gett upphov till omedelbara kontrollåtgärder. Bland åtgärderna finns visumkrav, transportörsansvar och förstärkande av extraterritoriella gränskontroller genom fördjupade samarbeten med tredjeländer.  Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka EU:s extraterritoriella gränskontroller i förhållande till folkrättsliga normer, med fokus på skyddsbehövandes tillgång till skydd vid tredjelandssamarbeten.  Resultaten av undersökningen visar att EU:s extraterritoriella gränskontroller begränsar människors tillgång till skydd – genom att stoppa människor i ursprungs- och transitländerna eller genom att avlägsna dem från Europa till tredjeländer som exempelvis Turkiet och Libyen. Även om dessa länder anses utgöra så kallade säkra länder framgår av sammanställningen att överträdelser av mänskliga rättigheter är återkommande inslag. Härav följer att EU:s intresse av att reglera migrationen har fått stå i framkant, medan intresset av att ge skyddsbehövande tillgång till det skydd de är berättigade till har följaktligen fått stå tillbaka. / Over the years, refugees and those in need of protection have made several attempts to reach Europe. However, the lack of regular routes has resulted in hundreds of thousands of people losing their lives on irregular routes along the Mediterranean. In 2015, the migration flows across the Mediterranean reached high levels, which revealed inefficiency in the EU's migration policy. The situation with the increased migration flows across the Mediterranean has been labelled as a refugee crisis, and has given rise to immediate measures. The measures include border checks such as visa requirements, carrier responsibility, and extraterritorial border controls through deepened cooperation with third countries.  The purpose of this study is to investigate the EU's extraterritorial border controls in relation to public international law norms. The focus is on the possibility of access international protection in situations of collaborations with third countries.  The results of the study show that the extraterritorial border controls restrict people's access to protection - by stopping people in the countries of origin and transit, or by removing them from the European territory to third countries such as Turkey and Libya. Both are considered to be safe countries. However, evidence shows that neither Turkey nor Libya are such safe countries and that human rights are frequently violated. Accordingly, the EU's interest in regulating migration has remained at the forefront, while the interest in protecting those in need has been held back – even for those who are entitled to protection under public international law.

Avec l’accentuation du libéralisme, les entreprises multinationales ne cessent d’être de plus en plus présentes dans les États en développement, et certaines sont peu scrupuleuses du respect des normes environnementales. Par ailleurs, notons que la plupart de ces États ne disposent pas de mécanismes juridiques contraignant ces entreprises de répondre à d’éventuels crimes contre l’environnement qu’elles sont susceptibles de commettre sur leurs territoires. Or, en l’absence de telles dispositions, peu de sociétés se conforment aux politiques permettant d’internaliser les risques en raison de leur coût élevé. La volonté de maximiser le profit amène ces entreprises à se livrer à des actes attentatoires à l’environnement, à la santé et à la sécurité des individus lorsque rien ne les contraint à procéder autrement. De façon générale, il appartient à l’État sur le territoire duquel opère une société de réglementer ses activités. Précisons que dans plusieurs États en développement, les entreprises multinationales échappent aux mesures contraignantes en vertu de l’influence financière qu’elles exercent sur les dirigeants de ces États. De même, l’impunité des crimes contre l’environnement commis dans les pays en développement découle aussi du manque de volonté politique accentué par le phénomène de la corruption. Malgré la multiplicité de traités et de conventions internationales dédiés à la protection de l'environnement, ces instruments ne sont pas directement applicables aux sociétés multinationales, considérées comme des acteurs non-étatiques. Alors, les pays développés d’où proviennent la majeure partie des entreprises multinationales sont appelés à combler cette lacune en prenant des mesures qui obligent leurs entreprises à se préoccuper de la préservation de l’environnement dans leurs activités. Cette thèse propose d’examiner les mécanismes juridiques par lesquels les crimes contre l’environnement survenus dans les pays en développement peuvent entraîner des poursuites pénales au Canada. En l’absence de législation ayant une portée extraterritoriale explicite en la matière, cela exige de se référer au droit existant et de proposer une nouvelle approche d’interprétation et d’adaptation tenant compte des récents développements envisageant la protection de l’environnement comme une valeur fondamentale pour la société canadienne. De nos jours, la portée de la protection de l’environnement au Canada requiert l’abandon des anciennes conceptions du principe de la territorialité pour adopter une autre approche plus soucieuse des nouvelles réalités entraînées par la mondialisation économique. Il serait donc légitime pour le Canada d’étendre sa compétence pour réprimer les crimes contre l’environnement survenus à l’étranger lors des activités menées par ses ressortissants. La nécessité de réprimer les atteintes à l’environnement survenues à l’étranger devient plus pressante lorsque ces crimes présentent un degré de gravité comparable à celui des crimes internationaux. / Due to trade liberalization, multinational enterprises (MNEs) are overwhelmingly engaged in developing countries’ industries. Unfortunately, many of those MNEs pay scant attention to environmental preservation. Yet, almost all developing countries lack effective rules designed to protect the environment from polluting activities operated by MNEs. In the absence of any incentive, it is impossible for MNEs to avoid environmentally harmful operations. As economic agents, MNEs are not willing to adopt environmental protection costs without any legislation compelling them to do so. The profit maximization rationale underlying corporate policy leaves little room for incurring environmental preservation costs and only voluntary measures are applied in the management of polluting operations. As a general principle, the regulation of MNEs’ conduct falls upon the State whose territory is directly harmed by polluting operations. However, the lack of resources of developing countries as well as the financial influence of MNEs has weakened environmental protection regulation in many states. The preservation of the environment from polluting activities of MNEs has also undermined by the lack of political will of developing countries which is increased by the corruption phenomenon. Despite the large number of international treaties and conventions designed to protect the environment from pollutant threats, those international instruments cannot directly apply to MNEs as they are non-state actors. Hence, developed countries, under whose law many MNEs are incorporated, are required to fill this gap in regulating their MNEs’ activities abroad. This dissertation suggests the examination of juridical mechanisms by which environmental crimes which take place in developing countries may trigger criminal prosecution in Canada. Given the absence of Canadian regulation dealing explicitly with extraterritorial criminal conduct of MNEs, this research seeks to provide a new approach to existing law in order to deal with transnational environmental crimes, bearing in mind that environmental protection has emerged as a fundamental value in Canadian society. Nowadays, the values represented by environmental protection entail the shift of the traditional territoriality principle since worldwide economic activities have brought transnational threats of global concern. Therefore, we hold that Canada would be entitled to extend its competence so as to assert jurisdiction over environmental crimes occurred abroad during operations conducted by Canadian citizens. The need to assert extraterritorial jurisdiction to environmental crimes committed within foreign sovereignty becomes more pressing if those crimes reach the same level of gravity as international crimes.

There is enough evidence on how climate change consequences will adversely affect Africa despite the fact that it is the continent that has least contributed to the problem. The international climate change regime recognises Africa's vulnerability to climate change and provides for special treatment under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (the UNFCCC). Thus, the international climate change regime presents an opportunity for African countries to adapt and mitigate the consequences of climate change through the UNFCCC mechanism. However, the international climate change legal regime has not been able to adequately assist African countries to address the consequences of climate change under the vulnerability principle. Although the current international climate change regime requires developed countries to reduce their greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, Africa needs to take steps itself to address the problem, because it is most vulnerable to the consequences of climate change. The African Union (AU) could play a great role in ensuring that the international climate change regime addresses the consequences of climate change in the region. This could be done through fostering strong African common positions during international climate change negotiations. A strong common position could strengthen African bargaining power and might result in more funding, capacity building and technology development and transfer for adaptation and mitigation programmes under the UNFCCC-Kyoto Conference of Parties. However, reaching a strong common position requires the cooperation of the AU member states. In this context, African regional integration is an opportunity for the AU to foster such cooperation among member states. The Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community (the Abuja Treaty), the Constitutive Act of the AU and the Protocol on the Relations between the AU and Regional Economic Communities (RECs) prioritise regional economic integration and call for states' cooperation, but the call has not yet been heeded. To realise deep and viable African integration, there must be a well-structured institutional and legal framework that defines the relationship between the AU, the AEC and the RECs. African regional integration is also seen as an avenue whereby the AU can create its own regional climate-change regime. In this regard, the AU's and RECs' normative framework on climate change is examined in order to assess whether it adequately integrates climate change issues. This study finds that although Africa is most vulnerable to the consequences of climate change, the AU's and RECs' normative framework on climate change is weak and inadequate to address the problem. The Framework should integrate climate change issues in order to achieve sustainable development. The AU should also ensure that member states ratify the relevant treaties and protocols (the Maputo Nature Convention and the Protocol establishing the African Court of Justice and Human Rights) that have not yet been ratified in order that they may become operational. The Maputo Nature Convention puts sustainable development in the forefront of attention as a reaction to the potentially conflicting environmental and developmental challenges facing the continent (such as climate change), but it is not yet in force. This work finds that human rights law can strengthen the AU's role in addressing climate change through its normative framework. The human rights approach to climate change under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Banjul Charter) is a viable avenue because human rights law forms the basis for states' responsibility based on human rights obligations and principles. The extraterritorial application of the Banjul Charter presents an avenue for AU institutions such as the Human Rights Commission and the African Human Rights Court to curb the effects of climate change through a human rights lens. The future of the AU is presented within the context of a set of recommendations that identify strong African regional integration as an avenue through which the AU can foster the cooperation of member states to address the consequences of climate change in the AU's and RECs' normative frameworks. General recommendations are made on the need for the international climate change regime to pay more attention to issues of funding, capacity building and technology development and transfer on the basis of the vulnerability principle and in relation to the principles of equity and common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities. Also, the AU needs to strengthen its legal and institutional structures to ensure deep African integration that is capable of addressing common challenges such as the consequences of climate change. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014