This study used a national sample of substance abuse treatment centers to analyze predictors of drug treatment completion among a sample of black women compared to white women, white men, and black men. Data are drawn from the Treatment Episode Data Set - Discharges (TEDS-D) 2006, which is representative of treatment programs in 42 states and the District of Columbia. The sample consisted of black (n= 356,701) and whites (n=926,216). Results indicated that race, gender, and level of education (social class variable) all had statistically significant associations with drug treatment completion. That is, when compared to all the other respondents in the study, (i.e., black men, white women, and white males) black women were less likely to complete drug treatment. This study also found that blacks were underrepresented in drug treatment programs when compared to whites. This disparity is even more prevalent for black women. Overall, analyzing group differences in treatment outcomes and sociodemographic characteristics, black women appeared to be socioeconomically worse off than black men, white women, and white men. In fact, black women had significantly lower rates of employment and were almost twice as likely to report that their income source was from public assistance. Black women were less likely to be married, employed full-time, and were significantly more likely to report using cocaine or crack at the time of admission and indicate that cocaine or crack was their problem drug. Finally, when compared to other groups, black women were less educated, had lower drug treatment completion outcomes, were more likely to receive public assistance, and have lower employment rates. Again, these findings are not surprising and are consistent with a multitude of literature on drug treatment outcomes. / Ph. D.

Yes

No / The practices and conceptions of peace and war have been highly gendered throughout world history. Indeed, the defining of genders has often itself been rooted in ideas and experiences of war and violence, with men as warriors, and women as the embodiment of peace. It is certainly the case that throughout human history the majority of war combatants have been men. By contrast many women have used their gendered identities, as mothers and guardians of life, in their activism in global peace movements, and in peacemaking at very local levels all over the globe. These gendered experiences of women and men have resonance everywhere in the world, but are also stereotypes. As well as being warriors and the bearers of violence, men have also resisted dominant social pressures to fight, and been active in movements to build peace. Women have also cajoled men, and socialised boys, to fight, and shamed those who did not. Thus, whereas a focus on the stereotypes suggests that the differences between women and men are due to their violent or peaceful natures, paying attention to the full range of behaviour of women and men makes it self-evident that these differences cannot be explained by biological differences alone, because they are so varied. Nonetheless, the roles played by women and men that go beyond the simple stereotypes are persistently regarded as transgressive or insignificant in many cultures, making it difficult to keep the broader picture in mind. That is not to say that gender differences are not significant however; gender remains one of the most important lenses through which to understand war and peace.

In this paper, I argue that the performance artist Orlan uses feminist tactics of subversion in her presentation of the body as art. I enter the feminist debate over Orlan's work to indicate that the critics who consider the history of performance art produce more fecund discourse. At the same time, I encourage more discussion over the racial dimensions of Orlan's art, which I describe as de-colonizing her body's representation. / Master of Arts

Conflict related sexual violence is a phenomenon that has come to light since world war II, however it is only in recent years that conflict related sexual violence has been discussed in larger forums. In recent years the subject of Conflict related sexual violence has been researched and brought to light in media. This thesis aims to study the conflict related sexual violence in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The method applied on this thesis was a comparative feminist study. The theoretical framework used in this study is liberal feminism and radical feminism. In this study a comparison between the two feministic focuses has been the main object. The result of the study found that both radical feminism and liberal feminism can explain conflict related sexual violence. Radical feminism main concepts in their theory is sexual oppression that women face. Liberal feminism focus on inequality in the society between the sexes. In the result it was found that both perspectives of feminism could explain the sexual violence as something structural. There is inequality between the sexes in a societal level therefor sexual violence can be used as a way to maintain power.

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The relationship of two sexist attitude questionnaires (Attitudes Toward Women Scale and Sexism Scale) was explored. Responses on the Bem Sex Role Inventory were compared with attitude responses to assess the effect of sex-role concept on degree of sexism. Various demographic variables were included to determine if any related to sexist attitude responses. Subjects were 53 male and 113 female undergraduate psychology students, aged 17-47. Test instruments and a demographic data survey were administered, and statistical analyses performed. Attitude measures were significantly correlated and could not be differentiated on the basis of variables included for study. Factor analysis of instruments revealed 3 separate factors: masculinity, femininity,and "sexist" attitudes. Sex-role concept was unrelated to sexist attitude responses. Only the demographic variable ofage was significantly related to attitude scores.

This thesis asks why women gangsta rappers have been excluded from virtually all academic and popular discourses about the genre. While ‘positive’ and ‘empowering’ New York-based female rappers in the late 80s and 90s are often referenced by those concerned with gangsta rap’s misogynistic tendencies, women rappers in Los Angeles who performed alongside male gangsta rappers, were represented on labels managed by gangsta rappers, and were otherwise self-consciously engaging in the gangsta rap style are almost never acknowledged by either the genre’s defenders or detractors. By interrogating this discursive absence, I reevaluate the neoliberal sexual and racial politics of gangsta rap’s censorship discourse and interrogate the rhetorical and representational strategies deployed by female gangsta rappers such as Lady of Rage, Bo$$, NiNi X, Menajahtwa, H.W.A., and Yo-Yo to both contest misogyny and express coalitional affinity with their male counterparts from within the genre itself.

So Ka Lok Carol. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 189-200). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction / Chapter 1.1 --- Research Background --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Research Puzzle --- p.4 / Chapter 1.3 --- Research Questions and Major Thesis --- p.6 / Chapter 1.4 --- Layout of the Thesis --- p.8 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review and Analytical Framework / Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.12 / Chapter 2.2 --- State Feminism and the Stetson and Mazur Model --- p.12 / Chapter 2.3 --- The Macro Movement Dynamics: Political Opportunities Structure --- p.25 / Chapter 2.4 --- The Micro Movement Dynamics: Framing Political Opportunities --- p.33 / Chapter 2.5 --- Analytical Framework --- p.37 / Chapter 2.6 --- Methodological Orientations --- p.44 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Women's Policy Machineries in Hong Kong: A Historical and Structural Overview / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.51 / Chapter 3.2 --- Paving the Road --- p.51 / Chapter 3.3 --- "The Equal Opportunities Commission: The ""Equality"" Project" --- p.55 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Appointment of Members: The Critical but Mysterious Process --- p.57 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- EOC as Characterized by Investigation and Conciliation --- p.59 / Chapter 3.4 --- Women's Commission: The Umbrella Organization --- p.60 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- Actions of WoC --- p.62 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- Appointment of WoC Members --- p.63 / Chapter 3.4.3 --- The Structure of WoC: Following the International Pace? --- p.64 / Chapter 3.4.4 --- Relationship Between EOC and WoC --- p.66 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Struggling for a Seat: Participation in the Political Arena / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.69 / Chapter 4.2 --- Gaining an Entrance --- p.70 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- The Significance of Gaining an Entrance --- p.79 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Obstacles in Entering the System --- p.81 / Chapter 4.3 --- Collaborations and Participations with the System --- p.89 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Gender Mainstreaming: the Decision Making Process / Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.100 / Chapter 5.2 --- Defining the Equal Opportunities Agenda --- p.101 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- "The Legalistic Role: ""Three Ordinances Commission""?" --- p.102 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- Equal Opportunities as the Balancing of Interests among Different Parties --- p.104 / Chapter 5.2.3 --- Conciliation and the Role of the EOC --- p.106 / Chapter 5.2.4 --- Structural Barriers in the Equal Opportunities Agenda --- p.113 / Chapter 5.3 --- Defining the Gender Mainstreaming Agenda --- p.115 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- The Conception of Gender Mainstreaming and the Role of the WoC --- p.116 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- Defining Women Issues and Empowerment: The Capacity Building Mileage Programme --- p.123 / Chapter 5.4 --- The Equality Stool and the Gender Mainstreaming Agenda --- p.128 / Chapter 5.5 --- Barriers for Placing Women's Issues on the Political Agenda --- p.133 / Chapter 5.5.1 --- From Women to the Women's Policy Machineries --- p.134 / Chapter 5.5.2 --- From the Central Mechanism to the Government Political Agenda --- p.139 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Towards a New Women's Movement Agenda / Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.144 / Chapter 6.2 --- State Feminism and the Institutionalization of Women's Movement --- p.145 / Chapter 6.3 --- Entering the Institution: an Inevitable Dilemma --- p.148 / Chapter 6.4 --- The Third Face of Power: The Underlying Thesis --- p.159 / Chapter 6.5 --- Political Opportunities under the State-feminization --- p.161 / Chapter 6.5.1 --- Political Opportunities and the Transformation of Movement Agenda --- p.161 / Chapter 6.5.2 --- Recapturing the Political Opportunities: the Empowerment Process --- p.163 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion: Towards a Diversified Conception of State Feminism and Feminist Movement Politics --- p.171 / Appendices / Appendix I Interview Questions --- p.183 / Appendix II Details of the Interviewees --- p.185 / Appendix III Mission of EOC and WoC --- p.187 / Appendix IV SDO Chapter 480 Section63 --- p.188 / Bibliography --- p.189

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