Syftet med denna uppsats har varit att förstå hur Sveriges feministiska utrikespolitik är tänkt att förändra rådande maktförhållanden. Framförallt hur arbetet med de tre förhållningssätten resurser, rättigheter och representation ska bidra till kvinnors stärkta egenmakt. Studien är en policyanalys av den feministiska utrikespolitiken och det analytiska ramverket är baserat på feministisk institutionalism. Undersökningen utgick från en modifierad version av Naila Kabeers modell av processen för stärkt egenmakt. Där förstås stärkt egenmakt som en förändringsprocess som inträffar samtidigt på individuell, institutionell och strukturell nivå, samt inom dimensionerna resurser, aktörskap och åstadkommanden. Undersökningen visade att den feministiska utrikespolitiken förstår stärkt egenmakt som en självförstärkande process som inträffar inom flera nivåer och dimensioner. De föreslagna åtgärderna berör samtliga nivåer men är koncentrerade till förändringar på institutionell nivå och syftar framförallt till att minska spelutrymmet för informella institutioner. Det är dock inte alltid klart hur detta konkret ska ske. Även om åtgärderna berör samtliga av analysmodellens dimensioner, så förblir det oklart hur den feministiska utrikespolitiken ser på kopplingarna mellan dimensionerna. Eventuellt skulle det kunna innebära att åtgärderna ökar kvinnors tillgång till, och möjlighet att utnyttja, enskilda dimensioner utan att deras egenmakt nödvändigtvis stärks.

The main purpose with the essay is to highlight the difficulties and challenges that newly arrived women experience in the labor market. Furthermore, the essay aims to analyze theefforts that the Swedish Government is making for the establishment of newly arrived women in the labor market and what support is offered for these women. The essay will be referring to following three questions; 1. What obstacles and challenges do newly arrived women face in the establishment process?- What are the underlying factors to them according to the theory of gender systems and feminist institutionalism? 2. What initiatives in the forms of measures and decisions are proposed by theGovernment for the establishment of newly arrived women in the labor market?The content was studied through policy documents, official reports, and statistics. With the help of the questions, the content was investigated in which efforts are being made in the labor market for newly arrived women seen from a feminist perspective in the documents.The material was read and analyzed based on a qualitative analysis using a content analysis. The results of the study were analyzed through two theories, that is embedded in two feminist perspectives which are Institutional feminism and the gender system.Parental leave is described as the primary reason for refugee women’s absence from labor, followed by health issues, lack of education and discrimination. The presented results indicate that the establishment of newly arrived women in the labor market is not only important for their own integration and autonomy, but it also plays a significant role in the development of society and for immigrant children's education and integration. Furthermore, the study shows that the Government's efforts are deficient and unsatisfactory in relation to the establishment of newly arrived women in the labor market. The analyzed results of the study show that there is a lack of research on the subject and further efforts are requested.

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The representation of women in parliament is a subject that has been up for debate since the beginning of the 20th century and the beginning of women’s suffrage. Gender quotas is a way to increase the representation of women in modern parliaments, even in the Swedish riksdag. This qualitative, comparative study shows that out of the eight Swedish parties of parliament, six is implementing gender quotas but in different ways and for different reasons. These reasons get brought into light in official party documents where the parties discuss their stance on gender equality politics and gender quotas. The parties’ opinion on gender quota is defined by three different kind of arguments: the argument of equal representation, the argument of resources and the argument of interest. The left-wing parties tend to use all three of the arguments, while the right-wing parties tend to be more sceptical of the use of gender quotas and therefore use two or less arguments. The parties’ stance on gender quotas are furthermore analysed from the perspective of the theory of feminist institutionalism. Parties who use all three of the arguments, or all the argument except the argument of resources, tend to have a feminist approach to their politics. These parties use gender quota as a way of reforming the parliament’s structure. Other parties who focus on justice and resource as arguments of gender quotas is often more conservative or focused on preserving the structure on which the riksdag is built upon.

The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze why or why not Swedish municipalities implement the gender equality policy – ”right to work fulltime”. In order to understand this institutional change, the analysis is based on a theoretical framework consisting of two fields: political representation and feminist institutionalism. The study is divided into two empirical inquiries. The first part is based on a quantitative survey that describes the casual relationship between two independent variables; women´s political representation and party ideology, and the dependent variable; political decision about “right to work fulltime”. The findings are that women´s representation does not explain the existence of political decision. Rather, political ideology has a higher explanatory factor. The second inquiry is divided into two single-case studies; Nynäshamn, a municipality that has implemented the policy, and Eskilstuna, that failed the implementation process. Four theoretical concepts are developed and one analytical model is used to understand institutional change in these cases. The study concludes that in order to understand the implementation process in these municipalities, local and contextual institutions must be emphasized; both formal and informal institutions need to be in favor for the agents promoting change. However, to fully understand these processes, focus should be directed towards the ways in which gendered power relations shape the construction of new institutions.