This master thesis provides an overview of the paper machine with focus on the forming section. The forming section is the first part in the paper machine where the paper pulp is injected through a head box. The paper pulp contains about 99.5% of water and 0.5% fiber. The water as content is reduced by vacuum and gravity. The problem to be studied in this project is related to external rewetting. This is water going back to the paper web from the forming fabric after the dewatering zone. The dewatering is based on vacuum slots under the forming fabric. The vacuum slots absorb water from the soaked paper pulp through the forming fabric. External rewetting causes problem, hence the paper will have a higher dry content when leaving the forming section. The paper should have as low dry content as possible in the end of the forming section. Three different forming fabrics from Albany International were chosen for the project. The structures of the forming fabrics were two different double layers and one plain weave. The performance of the fabrics was studied by 4 different methods. The methods used were 2 different wicking tests, a vacuum dewatering trial and one foulard test. Also micro tomography was done to understand the structure of each design. The main test was a foulard test where the aim was to see in what way the rewetting got affected by different pores sizes. The results showed higher water content for the paper that was on top of the forming fabric with the larger pores.

Im Rahmen des Transferprojektes T01 „Textilbeschichtung mit hochviskosen Massen“ des Sonderforschungsbereiches 532 (SFB 532) wird die Realisierung und Bewertung eines integrierten Beschichtungskonzeptes zur nachhaltigen Verbesserung der Tragfähigkeit von textilbewehrten Betonbauteilen an der RWTH Aachen University untersucht. Dazu wird eine neue Auftragstechnik für hochviskose Beschichtungsmassen entwickelt, die eine vollständige Penetration von Multifilamentgarnen mit großen Garntitern und einer hohen Anzahl an Filamenten in textilen Gelegen erzielt. Des Weiteren werden aktive Beschichtungsmassen auf der Basis von Polyvinylalkohol-Zement-Compositen, die eine homogene Anbindung aller Einzelfilamente an die Zementmatrix ermöglichen, erforscht.

This thesis presents a study of the institutions, forms and manifestations of secularism, or 'laïcité', in France, in the context of a series of events which came to be called the 'affaire du foulard'. The first incidents in the affaire took place in September 1989 with the expulsion of three primary schoolgirls in Creil, in the north of France, who were insisting on wearing the Islamic headscarf (known in French as the 'foulard') to school. Their actions were deemed contrary to the fundamental Republican principle of secularism in public schools, and the events were reported in several newspapers, before becoming a national controversy in media around the country. In this case, however, it was difficult to know how to interpret and apply laïcité in the context of a modern public school in the French Republic. The principle of secularism, or laïcité, is a central tenet of French public policy, and public education in particular. Laïcité also represents a set of social and cultural values which have profound historical resonances for many French people. At the same time, the public schools were unsure of how to negotiate their students’ freedom of religious expression, which, according to historical and legislative texts, is protected and upheld by the concept of laïcité, while also ensuring that the principle of laïcité was maintained. In a bid to resolve the uncertainty, France’s highest administrative court, the Conseil d’État, handed down a legal opinion in November 1989 in which it stated that the wearing of religious signs in public schools was not by itself incompatible with laïcité in France, although the religious signs could be prohibited in certain circumstances. In addition, various ministerial circulars were issued by successive Education Ministers between 1989 and 1994 to advise schools on how the law was to be interpreted and applied in this matter. One of the circulars, issued in 1994 by François Bayrou, encouraged schools to prohibit the wearing of the foulard and to apply strict penalties if Muslim girls continued to wear it. These measures resulted in an increase in the number of Muslim schoolgirls expelled for wearing the foulard, as well as in the numbers of public protests against the expulsions and the circular itself. Some of the schoolgirls and their families appealed against the expulsion decisions, and their cases appeared before France’s administrative courts over the years between 1992 and 1997. My thesis examines the key legal and administrative texts in the affaire du foulard, including the Conseil d’État’s 1989 legal opinion and the ministerial circulars, noting the legal implications of successive circulars and the shifts in government policy which they represented. In addition, my thesis analyses the transcripts of many of the legal judgements in the “headscarf” legal cases. These judgements were important not only in deciding the future education of the schoolgirls, but also in clarifying the 1989 opinion. They established a consistent set of principles to define the circumstances in which wearing religious signs such as the foulard was considered compatible or not with laïcité in public schools. The results of this analysis indicate that, contrary to popular opinion in relation to the affaire du foulard, the majority of cases were decided in the Muslim girls’ favour and upheld their right to wear a religious sign such as the Islamic headscarf at school. Recently, however, the legal regime in France governing the wearing of religious signs has changed. In early 2004, a new law on secularism was passed by the French Parliament to prohibit the wearing of the foulard (and indeed all visible religious signs) in public schools. The law has been welcomed by many sectors of the French community, but has also provoked extensive public protests. The passage of the new law does not alter either the analytical work or the conclusions of this thesis. Rather, the thesis offers an insight into the background of the affaire du foulard and thus a more informed appreciation of the potential legal and social consequences of the 2004 law in future years. The principal aim of this thesis is to provide a careful account of the institutions and operation of the principle of secularism, or laïcité, in France. My research also explains some of the complexities of the legislative regime established by the Conseil d’État and the administrative courts, who worked to balance priorities of freedom of religion and laïcité as well as to protect the education of many expelled Muslim schoolgirls, and in so doing, my thesis highlights the complexity of the principle of laïcité itself.

This thesis presents a study of the institutions, forms and manifestations of secularism, or 'laïcité', in France, in the context of a series of events which came to be called the 'affaire du foulard'. The first incidents in the affaire took place in September 1989 with the expulsion of three primary schoolgirls in Creil, in the north of France, who were insisting on wearing the Islamic headscarf (known in French as the 'foulard') to school. Their actions were deemed contrary to the fundamental Republican principle of secularism in public schools, and the events were reported in several newspapers, before becoming a national controversy in media around the country. In this case, however, it was difficult to know how to interpret and apply laïcité in the context of a modern public school in the French Republic. The principle of secularism, or laïcité, is a central tenet of French public policy, and public education in particular. Laïcité also represents a set of social and cultural values which have profound historical resonances for many French people. At the same time, the public schools were unsure of how to negotiate their students’ freedom of religious expression, which, according to historical and legislative texts, is protected and upheld by the concept of laïcité, while also ensuring that the principle of laïcité was maintained. In a bid to resolve the uncertainty, France’s highest administrative court, the Conseil d’État, handed down a legal opinion in November 1989 in which it stated that the wearing of religious signs in public schools was not by itself incompatible with laïcité in France, although the religious signs could be prohibited in certain circumstances. In addition, various ministerial circulars were issued by successive Education Ministers between 1989 and 1994 to advise schools on how the law was to be interpreted and applied in this matter. One of the circulars, issued in 1994 by François Bayrou, encouraged schools to prohibit the wearing of the foulard and to apply strict penalties if Muslim girls continued to wear it. These measures resulted in an increase in the number of Muslim schoolgirls expelled for wearing the foulard, as well as in the numbers of public protests against the expulsions and the circular itself. Some of the schoolgirls and their families appealed against the expulsion decisions, and their cases appeared before France’s administrative courts over the years between 1992 and 1997. My thesis examines the key legal and administrative texts in the affaire du foulard, including the Conseil d’État’s 1989 legal opinion and the ministerial circulars, noting the legal implications of successive circulars and the shifts in government policy which they represented. In addition, my thesis analyses the transcripts of many of the legal judgements in the “headscarf” legal cases. These judgements were important not only in deciding the future education of the schoolgirls, but also in clarifying the 1989 opinion. They established a consistent set of principles to define the circumstances in which wearing religious signs such as the foulard was considered compatible or not with laïcité in public schools. The results of this analysis indicate that, contrary to popular opinion in relation to the affaire du foulard, the majority of cases were decided in the Muslim girls’ favour and upheld their right to wear a religious sign such as the Islamic headscarf at school. Recently, however, the legal regime in France governing the wearing of religious signs has changed. In early 2004, a new law on secularism was passed by the French Parliament to prohibit the wearing of the foulard (and indeed all visible religious signs) in public schools. The law has been welcomed by many sectors of the French community, but has also provoked extensive public protests. The passage of the new law does not alter either the analytical work or the conclusions of this thesis. Rather, the thesis offers an insight into the background of the affaire du foulard and thus a more informed appreciation of the potential legal and social consequences of the 2004 law in future years. The principal aim of this thesis is to provide a careful account of the institutions and operation of the principle of secularism, or laïcité, in France. My research also explains some of the complexities of the legislative regime established by the Conseil d’État and the administrative courts, who worked to balance priorities of freedom of religion and laïcité as well as to protect the education of many expelled Muslim schoolgirls, and in so doing, my thesis highlights the complexity of the principle of laïcité itself.

This thesis presents a study of the institutions, forms and manifestations of secularism, or 'laïcité', in France, in the context of a series of events which came to be called the 'affaire du foulard'. The first incidents in the affaire took place in September 1989 with the expulsion of three primary schoolgirls in Creil, in the north of France, who were insisting on wearing the Islamic headscarf (known in French as the 'foulard') to school. Their actions were deemed contrary to the fundamental Republican principle of secularism in public schools, and the events were reported in several newspapers, before becoming a national controversy in media around the country. In this case, however, it was difficult to know how to interpret and apply laïcité in the context of a modern public school in the French Republic. The principle of secularism, or laïcité, is a central tenet of French public policy, and public education in particular. Laïcité also represents a set of social and cultural values which have profound historical resonances for many French people. At the same time, the public schools were unsure of how to negotiate their students’ freedom of religious expression, which, according to historical and legislative texts, is protected and upheld by the concept of laïcité, while also ensuring that the principle of laïcité was maintained. In a bid to resolve the uncertainty, France’s highest administrative court, the Conseil d’État, handed down a legal opinion in November 1989 in which it stated that the wearing of religious signs in public schools was not by itself incompatible with laïcité in France, although the religious signs could be prohibited in certain circumstances. In addition, various ministerial circulars were issued by successive Education Ministers between 1989 and 1994 to advise schools on how the law was to be interpreted and applied in this matter. One of the circulars, issued in 1994 by François Bayrou, encouraged schools to prohibit the wearing of the foulard and to apply strict penalties if Muslim girls continued to wear it. These measures resulted in an increase in the number of Muslim schoolgirls expelled for wearing the foulard, as well as in the numbers of public protests against the expulsions and the circular itself. Some of the schoolgirls and their families appealed against the expulsion decisions, and their cases appeared before France’s administrative courts over the years between 1992 and 1997. My thesis examines the key legal and administrative texts in the affaire du foulard, including the Conseil d’État’s 1989 legal opinion and the ministerial circulars, noting the legal implications of successive circulars and the shifts in government policy which they represented. In addition, my thesis analyses the transcripts of many of the legal judgements in the “headscarf” legal cases. These judgements were important not only in deciding the future education of the schoolgirls, but also in clarifying the 1989 opinion. They established a consistent set of principles to define the circumstances in which wearing religious signs such as the foulard was considered compatible or not with laïcité in public schools. The results of this analysis indicate that, contrary to popular opinion in relation to the affaire du foulard, the majority of cases were decided in the Muslim girls’ favour and upheld their right to wear a religious sign such as the Islamic headscarf at school. Recently, however, the legal regime in France governing the wearing of religious signs has changed. In early 2004, a new law on secularism was passed by the French Parliament to prohibit the wearing of the foulard (and indeed all visible religious signs) in public schools. The law has been welcomed by many sectors of the French community, but has also provoked extensive public protests. The passage of the new law does not alter either the analytical work or the conclusions of this thesis. Rather, the thesis offers an insight into the background of the affaire du foulard and thus a more informed appreciation of the potential legal and social consequences of the 2004 law in future years. The principal aim of this thesis is to provide a careful account of the institutions and operation of the principle of secularism, or laïcité, in France. My research also explains some of the complexities of the legislative regime established by the Conseil d’État and the administrative courts, who worked to balance priorities of freedom of religion and laïcité as well as to protect the education of many expelled Muslim schoolgirls, and in so doing, my thesis highlights the complexity of the principle of laïcité itself.

This thesis presents a study of the institutions, forms and manifestations of secularism, or 'laïcité', in France, in the context of a series of events which came to be called the 'affaire du foulard'. The first incidents in the affaire took place in September 1989 with the expulsion of three primary schoolgirls in Creil, in the north of France, who were insisting on wearing the Islamic headscarf (known in French as the 'foulard') to school. Their actions were deemed contrary to the fundamental Republican principle of secularism in public schools, and the events were reported in several newspapers, before becoming a national controversy in media around the country. In this case, however, it was difficult to know how to interpret and apply laïcité in the context of a modern public school in the French Republic. The principle of secularism, or laïcité, is a central tenet of French public policy, and public education in particular. Laïcité also represents a set of social and cultural values which have profound historical resonances for many French people. At the same time, the public schools were unsure of how to negotiate their students’ freedom of religious expression, which, according to historical and legislative texts, is protected and upheld by the concept of laïcité, while also ensuring that the principle of laïcité was maintained. In a bid to resolve the uncertainty, France’s highest administrative court, the Conseil d’État, handed down a legal opinion in November 1989 in which it stated that the wearing of religious signs in public schools was not by itself incompatible with laïcité in France, although the religious signs could be prohibited in certain circumstances. In addition, various ministerial circulars were issued by successive Education Ministers between 1989 and 1994 to advise schools on how the law was to be interpreted and applied in this matter. One of the circulars, issued in 1994 by François Bayrou, encouraged schools to prohibit the wearing of the foulard and to apply strict penalties if Muslim girls continued to wear it. These measures resulted in an increase in the number of Muslim schoolgirls expelled for wearing the foulard, as well as in the numbers of public protests against the expulsions and the circular itself. Some of the schoolgirls and their families appealed against the expulsion decisions, and their cases appeared before France’s administrative courts over the years between 1992 and 1997. My thesis examines the key legal and administrative texts in the affaire du foulard, including the Conseil d’État’s 1989 legal opinion and the ministerial circulars, noting the legal implications of successive circulars and the shifts in government policy which they represented. In addition, my thesis analyses the transcripts of many of the legal judgements in the “headscarf” legal cases. These judgements were important not only in deciding the future education of the schoolgirls, but also in clarifying the 1989 opinion. They established a consistent set of principles to define the circumstances in which wearing religious signs such as the foulard was considered compatible or not with laïcité in public schools. The results of this analysis indicate that, contrary to popular opinion in relation to the affaire du foulard, the majority of cases were decided in the Muslim girls’ favour and upheld their right to wear a religious sign such as the Islamic headscarf at school. Recently, however, the legal regime in France governing the wearing of religious signs has changed. In early 2004, a new law on secularism was passed by the French Parliament to prohibit the wearing of the foulard (and indeed all visible religious signs) in public schools. The law has been welcomed by many sectors of the French community, but has also provoked extensive public protests. The passage of the new law does not alter either the analytical work or the conclusions of this thesis. Rather, the thesis offers an insight into the background of the affaire du foulard and thus a more informed appreciation of the potential legal and social consequences of the 2004 law in future years. The principal aim of this thesis is to provide a careful account of the institutions and operation of the principle of secularism, or laïcité, in France. My research also explains some of the complexities of the legislative regime established by the Conseil d’État and the administrative courts, who worked to balance priorities of freedom of religion and laïcité as well as to protect the education of many expelled Muslim schoolgirls, and in so doing, my thesis highlights the complexity of the principle of laïcité itself.

Im Rahmen des Transferprojektes T01 „Textilbeschichtung mit hochviskosen Massen“ des Sonderforschungsbereiches 532 (SFB 532) wird die Realisierung und Bewertung eines integrierten Beschichtungskonzeptes zur nachhaltigen Verbesserung der Tragfähigkeit von textilbewehrten Betonbauteilen an der RWTH Aachen University untersucht. Dazu wird eine neue Auftragstechnik für hochviskose Beschichtungsmassen entwickelt, die eine vollständige Penetration von Multifilamentgarnen mit großen Garntitern und einer hohen Anzahl an Filamenten in textilen Gelegen erzielt. Des Weiteren werden aktive Beschichtungsmassen auf der Basis von Polyvinylalkohol-Zement-Compositen, die eine homogene Anbindung aller Einzelfilamente an die Zementmatrix ermöglichen, erforscht.

À la fin des années 1980, trois adolescentes d’origine musulmane ont été exclues de leur collège parce qu’elles refusaient d’enlever leur voile en classe. Ce « fait divers » aurait pu passer inaperçu s’il n’avait pas été étalé de manière spectaculaire sur la scène médiatique. Les raisons invoquées pour justifier cet engouement tiennent en un mot : faire respecter le principe de laïcité au sein de l’école républicaine. Mais très vite, le débat a pris d’autres proportions avec l’intervention d’une grande partie d’intellectuels et l’on apprend soudainement que, derrière le foulard, se cache la soumission de la femme, si ce n’est une volonté affichée de « communautarisme », voire d’« intégrisme religieux ». La nation serait alors en danger et l’on comprend que la question du foulard rebondisse en 1994, avec cette fois-ci une détermination de la part des militants laïcs de mettre en échec le droit en vigueur, formulé par le Conseil d’État en des termes limpides : le port d’un signe religieux par les élèves ne saurait, en lui-même, constituer un motif d’exclusion, sauf cas avéré de « port ostentatoire et revendicatif ». Reste que dans un mouvement d’éternel retour, le problème du foulard resurgit brutalement en 2003, se politise et s’achève par la promulgation en mars 2004 d’une loi interdisant le port du voile dans les établissements publics.Sur le fond, cette évolution a mis en exergue un aspect essentiel : la crainte des « immigrés » et d’un islam devenu trop visible. Elle a également permis d’opposer la laïcité à la liberté religieuse. Notre travail consiste justement à comprendre comment on en est arrivé à rendre antinomiques deux principes fondamentaux sur lesquels repose, entre autres, la notion de démocratie en République française. Cette interrogation est d’autant plus légitime que la polémique autour du foulard avait explicitement ignoré le point de vue des femmes voilées, passant ainsi à côté des différentes significations que ce bout d’étoffe pouvait contenir. De fait, si l’objectif de notre recherche est de passer au crible la position de ceux qui ont oeuvré à l’interdiction du foulard dans l’espace scolaire, il s’agit aussi de donner la parole à ces femmes qui n’ont pas eu droit de cité. Dans cette optique, notre souci premier est de connaître comment elles vivent leur voilement. Quel sens donnent-elles au port du voile ? Quel regard jettent-elles sur un débat qui semble mettre en cause leur liberté d’expression confessionnelle ? Ces questions sont à la base de notre problématique. / At the end of the 80s, three girls of Moslem origin were excluded from their middle school because they refused to remove their veil in class. This «news item» would have been able to pass unnoticed, had not it been spread in a spectacular way over the media scene. The reasons called to justify this craze like are the will to make respect the principle of secularism within the republican school. But, very fast, the debate took other proportions with the intervention of many intellectuals who thought that behind the scarf hides the submission of the woman, if it is not a will posted by «communitarism» even of « religious fundamentalism ».Then, the nation would be in danger and we can understand that the question of the scarf bounces in 1994, with this time a determination on behalf of laic activists to put in check the current law, formulated by the Council of State in crystal clear terms: the bearing of a religious sign by the pupils does not constitute in itself a motive for exclusion, except in cases of «ostentatious and claiming bearing» . But in a movement of eternal return, the bearing of the scarf reappears brutally in 2003, politicizes, and ends with the promulgation in March, 2004 of a law forbidding the wearing of the veil in public institutions. In fact, this evolution highlighted an essential aspect: the fear of the «immigrants» and the Islam become too visible. It also allowed to set secularism against the freedom of religion. Our work consists in understanding how we managed to make paradoxical these two fundamental principles on which the notion of democracy in French Republic, among others, rests. This interrogation is all the more justifiable since the debate around the scarf had explicitly ignored the point of view of the veiled women, so passing next to the various meanings which this end of fabric could contain. Actually, if the objective of our research is to examine closely the position of those who intervened for the ban on the scarf in the school space, it is also a question of giving the floor to these women who have not been established. So, our first questions are: how do they live their buckle ? What sense do they give to the wearing of the veil ? What glance do they throw on a debate which seems to question their confessional freedom of expression ? These questions are on the base of our research

Depuis la loi interdisant le port de signes religieux "ostensibles" dans les écoles publiques (2004), un changement progressif s'est opéré en France. De l'interdiction du port du foulard intégral dans l'espace public (2010) aux mesures touchant les parents d'élèves (2012) et les employées des crèches privées (2014), les femmes portant le foulard islamique ont graduellement été exclues de différents espaces publics. Ces mesures sont souvent justifiées au nom de la nécessité de défendre la République ou de revitaliser les valeurs qui la sous-tendent. À travers quels processus politiques y compris discursifs l'exclusion des femmes voilées est-elle devenue une composante de la promotion des valeurs républicaines ?Ma recherche se penche sur cette question à l'aide d'une approche conceptuelle et discursive de l'étude des idéologies politiques. Plus précisément, en ancrant mon analyse dans les discours publics entourant quatre "affaires du voile", ma recherche met en lumière la transformation graduelle du républicanisme français – une construction complexe à travers laquelle les concepts politiques acquièrent un sens. Cette analyse de l'idéologie républicaine française dans le contexte des "affaires du voile" révèle et continuité et changement. Continuité, car les anciens principes de liberté, égalité et fraternité y demeurent centraux ; et changement, car de nouveaux idéaux ont modifié la signification de son noyau conceptuel. Dans le chapitre 4, "Le foulard de l'étudiante : Le succès du sécularisme", j'analyse le début de ce processus. En examinant la controverse publique au sujet du port du foulard islamique dans les écoles publiques, je démontre comment les acteurs politiques français ont graduellement construit la question de l'égalité des sexes – qui, historiquement, a été plutôt marginale dans la pensée républicaine française – comme une valeur contiguë au principe de la laïcité, ouvrant ainsi la porte à d'autres redéfinitions. Dans le chapitre 5, "La burqa dans l'espace public : L'ordre social républicain", mon analyse démontre comment les hommes politiques et les juristes, en visant à interdire le port du voile intégral, ont revivifié et transformé la notion de l'ordre public à travers la construction d'une nouvelle définition de l'ordre social. Dès lors, le républicanisme français s'oriente vers la protection de "valeurs communes". D'un point de vue théorique, je soutiens que ce glissement implique une transformation naissante au sein même du noyau républicain : la priorisation de fraternité aux dépens de liberté et d'égalité. Le chapitre 6, "Baby-Loup et l'emploi privé : de discrimination à la cohésion sociale", et le chapitre 7, "Mères 'voilées' et sorties scolaires : une extension de la norme sociale républicaine", analysent la consolidation et les conséquences du noyau républicain transformé : la priorisation de l'intérêt public au détriment des droits et libertés individuels. Ces chapitres démontrent comment les acteurs politiques et juridiques ont appliqué ce républicanisme remanié aux nouveaux espaces et aux nouveaux groupes. Ce faisant, ils ont contribué à l'émergence et à l'enracinement d'un nouveau discours de cohésion sociale, imprégné par l'exigence de neutralité religieuse individuelle et conditionné par l'exclusion des femmes "voilées" d'une variété d'espaces publics. / Since the law prohibiting the wearing of conspicuous religious symbols in public schools (2004), a gradual development has taken place in France. From the law banning full-face covering in public space (2010) to measures concerning the parents of students (2012) and the employees of private nurseries (2014), women wearing the Islamic headscarf have step-by-step been excluded from different spheres of public life. These measures have been publicly justified by the necessity of defending the French Republic or of reinvigorating its underlying principles. Through which political including discursive processes did the public promotion of republican values come to signify the exclusion of headscarf-wearing Muslim women from public spaces?My research tackles this question by employing a conceptual and discursive approach to the study of political ideology. More specifically, by focusing on the public discourses surrounding four so-called "veil affairs," my research sheds light on the gradual transformation of French republicanism – a complex construct through which political concepts gain meaning. Examining contemporary French republicanism through the context of the "veil affairs" reveals both continuity and change. Continuity, because the age-old principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity still form its cornerstone; and change, because newer ideals have modified the meaning of its conceptual core. In Chapter 4, "The Student's Headscarf: The Success of Sexularism," I analyze the beginning of this process. By examining the public controversy surrounding the wearing of the Islamic headscarf in public schools, I show how French political elites gradually constructed the question of gender equality – which, historically, has been rather marginal in French republican thought – as a value adjacent to the principle of laïcité, thereby opening the door for further redefinitions. In Chapter 5, "The Burqa in Public Space: The Republican Social Order," my empirical analysis demonstrates that, in aiming to ban face-covering veils, French political and legal actors ended up reviving and transforming the notion of public order through the construction of a new definition of republican social order. Thus, French republicanism took an important turn towards the protection of "shared values." From a theoretical point of view, I argue that this shift implies a nascent transformation within the very core of the republican-ideological construct: the prioritization of fraternity over liberty and equality. Chapter 6, "Baby-Loup and Private Employment: From Discrimination to Social Cohesion," and Chapter 7, "'Veiled' Mothers and School Outings: Extending the Republican Social Norm," examine the consolidation and consequences of the transformed republican-ideological core: the prioritizing of the "common good" (intérêt public) over individual rights and freedoms. These chapters shed light on how political and legal actors applied the transformed republican ethos to new spheres and new groups of people. In doing so, they contributed to the emergence and entrenchment of a new discourse on social cohesion – one permeated by the requirement of individual religious neutrality and dependent on the exclusion of headscarf-wearing Muslim women from a variety of public spaces.

Ce mémoire propose d’étudier la problématique de la gestion de la diversité religieuse au Québec à partir de la question du port du foulard islamique. Le premier objectif du mémoire est de caractériser le contexte socio-historique québécois, en voyant comment cette société se trouve en tension entre le modèle multiculturaliste canadien d’une part, et l’influence de la laïcité stricte à la française. En second lieu, cet ouvrage s’appuie sur les écrits tardifs de John Rawls pour développer un modèle libéral républicain de gestion du pluralisme. Le dernier chapitre vise quant à lui à appliquer ce modèle d’inspiration rawlsienne à la problématique du port du foulard, et ce, afin de montrer en quoi il peut constituer une formule mitoyenne pour le Québec en fournissant une solution autant aux écueils de l’approche libérale individualiste qu’à ceux de l’approche du républicanisme jacobin. / This thesis analyzes the problem of managing religious diversity in Quebec through the debates surrounding the Islamic veil. The thesis' first objective is to characterize Quebec's socio-historical context, mainly by underlining the tension between Canadian multiculturalism and French-style secularism. Afterwards, this work will rely on the late writings of John Rawls in the development of a liberal republican model in regards to managing diversity. The last chapter will involve the application of this model to the problem of the Islamic veil in Quebec, in order to present an hybrid solution that is as liberal as it is republican.