La protection pénale des ressources pétrolières est en outre un sujet incontestablement pluridisciplinaire. Nous avons vu que le sujet concerne les deux grands ordres juridiques que sont le droit privé et le droit public. Dans le cadre de cette pluridisciplinarité, on remarque que le pétrole s'intègre dans de très nombreuses matières. En tant qu’activité d'intérêt général, le pétrole répond à la mission des services publics, à ses mutations impulsées par l'Etat notamment celles relatives aux lois spéciales qui règlent les ressources pétrolières dans le volet pénal et qui permettent d'atteindre une protection adéquate pour l'investissement de ces ressources. A ce titre, ces considérations se trouvent très liées au droit pénal, qui joue un rôle considérable dans la régulation du pétrole et à plus forte raison dans la stratégie de sécurité pétrolière. L'implantation des structures et infrastructures afférentes aux pétrole font également intervenir le droit pénal. A cela s'ajoute un certain nombre de sujets spécifiques, tel que le domaine pétrolier, suffisamment dense et endogène pour constituer une matière à part entière. / The criminal protection of oil resources is undoubtedly a multidisciplinary subject. This subjectconcerns the two major legal systems that are private law and public law. In the context of thismultidisciplinary approach, oil is integrated into a great many objects. As an activity of generalinterest, the oil responds to the mission of the public services, to its changes impelled by theState especially those relating to the special laws which regulate the oil resources in the criminalaspect that achieve an adequate protection for the investment of these resources. As such, theseconsiderations are closely linked to the criminal law, which plays a considerable role in theregulation of oil, and even more so in the strategy on oil security. The establishment ofstructures and infrastructure related to oil also involve criminal law. To this is added a numberof specific topics, such as the oil field, which is sufficiently endogenous to constitute a separatesubject.

This dissertation analyzes the (de)construction of gender and nation through animal symbols in Franco’s Spain. The project explores, first, a web of miscellaneous discourses articulated around the official bestiary rhetoric that serve in the composition of uniform gender models tailor-made for the virile totalitarian state. The selection of texts presented is eclectic, both in its nature and form. It encompasses a wide repertoire of multi-media discourses (i.e., scientific, religious, legal, educational, political, commercial, humorous and popular) presented visually (movies, posters, comics, cartoons, flags, advertisements, logotypes), aurally (songs, harangues, sermons, speeches, radio programs) and in the written form (literary excerpts, newspapers, magazines, medical and religious treatises, conduct manuals, epistles), and whose aim is, ultimately, to illustrate the dissemination and scope of zoomorphic images in the representation of nation and gender during the Francoist dictatorship. Apart from providing a panoramic view of the gendered fauna, these historical documents will also serve as the unifying thread to unravel the complexities of several censored artistic productions that cunningly resort to the prevailing bestial iconography to attack the androcentric state. By focusing on the animalized portrayals of the female characters of la Gata [the She-Cat] in Margarita Alexandre and Rafael María Torrecilla’s movie La gata (1956), la Loba [the She-wolf] in Rafael de León, Andrés Moles and Manuel López Quiroga’s copla “La Loba” (1960), and the surrealistic centaur woman Albina in Ana María Moix’s novel Walter, ¿por qué te fuiste? (1973), this work attempts to illustrate the co-existence of a counter discourse able to re-define the monolithic pillars of gender and nation upon which the Francoist regime was constructed. Finally, to highlight the relevance of animal symbolism in the formation of concepts of gender and nation, this dissertation notes a similar deployment of the Francoist bestiary rhetoric in the nationalist discourse of the far-right Spanish political party VOX (2013-present).

The diploma thesis Fashoda Crisis as a Path to Franco-British Reconciliation? deals with the event of Fashoda crisis, the events that had preceded the conflict and the consequences on the Franco-British relations at the dawn of 19th century. The main objective of the thesis is to clarify the background, later development, and the outcome of the event. Throughout the thesis am focusing on the historical background with emphasis on the colonization of Egypt and its importance in the Franco-British relations. I am also putting the emphasis on clarifying the possible reasons that led to the Fashoda crisis as well as on introducing the main protagonists and their plans to take advantage of the crisis. The thesis than chronologically continues to evaluate the critical months at the end of 1898 and the beginning of 1899, which could be understood as the culmination point of the crisis. The thesis also tries to assess the mood and opinion of the public in both countries in the course of the crisis and even after signing the accords that put an end to this quarrel. At least I am trying to define and to evaluate the impact and influence of this specific event on the latter development of international relations between the two countries and also, I am trying to answer the question whether the Fashoda crisis...

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This dissertation contributes to literature on postwar philanthropy and the Franco-American relationship. It examines the private voluntary relief organization, American Aid to France (AAF), which provided emergency supplies, rehabilitative services, and assisted in the reconstruction of France following the Second World War. Unlike other devastated European countries, Charles de Gaulle did not invite the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) to host a program, which limited France’s participation in the transnational relief movement of the immediate postwar period and allowed AAF to become the principal foreign private voluntary aid agency operating in Liberated France. From 1944 to 1956, AAF asserted that its assistance reflected the strength of the Franco-American alliance, and kinship felt between two countries with a shared history of liberal revolution and republicanism. AAF’s statements expressing “goodwill” and “historical friendship” towards France rapidly began to assume a more political tone as Cold War tensions intensified. From 1947 onward, AAF became increasingly outspoken in its support for capitalism, democracy, and international cooperation. These statements were crafted for, and appealed to, U.S. authorities who believed France was the key to containing communism in Europe. In reality, AAF’s main concern was redressing the destruction of Normandy caused by Allied bombing campaigns, and the organization showed no hesitation to work with mayors from across the political spectrum in devastated French communities to achieve this goal. AAF’s private voluntary status shielded the organization from French criticisms of Americanization chiefly aimed at the Marshall Plan. This dissertation demonstrates that AAF was part of an independent, robust private voluntary relief sphere that contributed to Europe’s recovery, and helped citizens in the United States and France come to terms with the transition from war to peace. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This dissertation contributes to literature on postwar philanthropy and Franco-American relations. It examines American Aid to France (AAF), one of hundreds of U.S. private voluntary relief organizations founded during the Second World War to help devastated civilians. Operating from 1944 to 1956, AAF’s efforts to provide emergency supplies, rehabilitative services, and assist in the reconstruction of Liberated France was a significant private affirmation of the Franco-American alliance during a period of increasingly tense international relations. Private voluntary relief organizations have been overlooked in scholarship in favour of larger agencies such as the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), which has resulted in a considerable emphasis on transnationalism in the literature on postwar relief. Examining Franco-American relations through the prism of AAF’s relief reveals that a dynamic alternative network of private assistance, which operated firmly outside of the transnational relief movement, contributed in meaningful ways to France’s recovery.

La France est souvent perçue comme la principale garante du traité de Versailles. Le révisionnisme français envers l’ordre établi par le traité, contrairement au même courant chez les responsables allemands, est un sujet peu étudié. Il a été abordé par quelques auteurs, tels George-Henri Soutou et Stanislas Jeannesson, mais la question mérite davantage d’élaboration. Grâce à l’analyse de la presse française, ce mémoire vérifie l’existence d’une volonté de rendre le traité de paix plus favorable à la France. Une Machtpolitik ainsi qu’un révisionnisme français sont apparents de 1919 à 1923 avec, comme zénith, l’occupation de la Ruhr. Les années suivantes virent la situation de la France se détériorer sur les plans politique, économique et diplomatique. La dégradation de sa posture inclina la France à se tourner vers une conciliation qui émanait de l’esprit du traité de Versailles. La couverture de l’actualité internationale de trois journaux français (Le Temps, L’Action française et L’Humanité) avant et après l’invasion de la Ruhr est analysée. On constate l’existence d’un révisionnisme français qui mène, après son échec en 1924, à un recentrage de la politique allemande de la France. En liant la perception des différents journaux à leur idéologie, nous avons aussi expliqué les variations dans leurs analyses des mêmes événements. L’étude de la presse, conjuguée aux sources secondaires, révèle un discours teinté d’une volonté révisionniste. Elle porte à croire, aussi, que le traité de Versailles ne fut réellement défendu en France qu’après l’échec de la politique de puissance et du révisionnisme français. / There is a common perception of France as being the guarantor of the Treaty of Versailles. French revisionism towards the established order by that treaty, unlike its German counterpart, is a subject which has yet to receive much attention. It was first addressed by authors such as George-Henri Soutou and Stanislas Jeannesson, but the issue requires further inquiry. Grounded in an analysis of the French press, this memoir confirms the existence of a will to make the peace treaty more favourable to France. Machtpolitik and French revisionism are noticeable traits from 1919 until 1923 with, at its pinnacle, the occupation of the Ruhr. The following years witnessed a worsening of the French situation at the political, economic and diplomatic levels. Its degrading position hauled France into a conciliation which stemmed from the spirit of the Treaty of Versailles. The international news coverage in three French newspapers (Le Temps, L’Action française and L’Humanité) before and after the Ruhr invasion is the object of analysis. The study confirms the existence of a French revisionism which, after its downfall in 1924, led to a refocusing of France’s German policy. By linking the different newspapers’ perception to their ideology, it explained variations that occurred in their analyses of the same events. The newspaper study coupled with the secondary sources reveals a discourse marked by a revisionist will. It also suggests that the Treaty of Versailles was not supported in France until after the demise of power politics as well as French revisionism.

Quel rôle le Concours international Marguerite Long joue-t-il dans le contexte de la Guerre Froide, en tant que vecteur culturel où s’affrontent deux écoles opposées d’un point de vue esthétique, à savoir les Écoles de piano française et soviétique ? L’objectif de cette thèse est de comprendre les mécanismes du concours Marguerite Long et leur impact sur le jeu pianistique qui, depuis les années cinquante jusqu’à la fin des années soixante-dix, évolue considérablement sous l’impulsion des succès de l’École russo-soviétique. Le lien apparent entre concours et politique internationale est déconstruit pour laisser place aux enjeux esthétiques et culturels qui seuls influencent le palmarès. Le deuxième volet de notre étude nous amène à envisager les particularités de chacune des écoles de piano, puis à les comparer pour établir dans quelle mesure elles s’influencent mutuellement et se distancient. Des facteurs cruciaux des échanges franco-soviétiques sont pris en considération, comme l’essor de la vie culturelle souterraine en U.R.S.S. à partir du milieu des années soixante. Notre étude se fonde sur le dépouillement de six fonds d’archives, notamment le Fonds Long de la Bibliothèque Mahler, les archives de la Fondation Long-Thibaud-Crespin, celles du Centre des archives diplomatiques de la Courneuve ainsi que celles de l’A.L.A.P. / What role does the Marguerite Long International Music Competition play in the context of Cold War? In other words, how important is this culture transmission vector, where two piano traditions so contrasted as the French and Soviet piano schools confront each other on the basis of aesthetic matters? The aim of this thesis is to understand the mechanism of the Marguerite Long competition and its impact on piano playing, which significantly evolves from the 1950s until the late 1970s, influenced by the successes achieved by the Soviet-Russian piano school. The apparent link between music competitions and international politics is deconstructed to put an emphasis on cultural issues, which solely determine the list of award winners. The second part of this thesis consists in examining the particularity of both piano schools, comparing them to ascertain to what extent they mutually influence each other or distance themselves. Crucial aspects of Franco-Soviet cultural exchanges are taken into account, such as the full development of underground culture in the USSR from the mid-1960s. This study was conducted on a systematic analysis of six archival holdings, notably those kept by the Fonds Long of the Bibliothèque Mahler, the Long-Thibaud-Crespin Foundation, the Center of diplomatic archives in la Courneuve and archival sources regarding the A.L.A.P. (Parisian Literary and Artistic Agency).