Paris a fourni à des écrivains et à des peintres polonais de multiples motifs textuels et iconiques. Il a été transformé, voire déformé, représenté sans cesse par des générations de créateurs slaves qui ont contribué à la naissance du mythe d’un Paris polonais. Si tout mythe apparaît comme irrationnel, s’il ne se préoccupe pas de la vérité historique, il n’en a pas moins un lien nécessaire avec l’Histoire et une fonction sociale. Leur connaissance reste fondamentale pour le déchiffrage du symbole, de l’allégorie et de la métaphore du Paris polonais qui revêt plusieurs significations. Il témoigne du fait que la nation polonaise s’y est créée au XIXe siècle sa « capitale » - le lieu de refuge et de rassemblement des exilés voulant reconquérir l’indépendance de la Pologne dès la fin du XVIIIe et tout au long du XIXe siècle. Plus tard, Paris devient une patrie spirituelle pour des paysans venus en France pour des raisons économiques ou politiques. Mais Paris en lui-même a également exercé sur les Polonais une influence profonde. Si le Paris cosmopolite a éduqué les Sarmates du XVIIe au XVIIIe siècle, il s’est imposé en tant que foyer de culture universelle et d’innovation dans tous les domaines de la création dans les années 1890-1939. Certes, le Paris des Polonais a une place légitime parmi les représentations nationales slaves. Toutefois, son exploitation dans une classe de Français Langue Etrangère permet l’étude des relations franco-polonaises sous le double signe de la fascination et de la désillusion. Tandis que l’Esprit français reste synonyme d’élégance et que le langage parisien témoigne d’un art de vivre, Maria Walewska demeure l’emblème de la relation affective franco-polonaise. A son tour, la représentation de l’émigré polonais rappelle l’exil, et Paris occupé par les nazis, le combat pour « notre liberté et la vôtre ». Quant aux artistes slaves de l’Ecole de Paris, ont-ils réussi à réinventer le Paris polonais ? / Paris has provided writers and Polish painters, multiple textual and iconic motifs. It has been transformed or deformed, constantly represented by generations of Slavic artists who contributed to the birth of the myth of a Polish Paris.If every myth appears as irrational, if it is not concerned with historical truth, than there is not a necessary link with history and a social function neither. Their knowledge remains fundamental to deciphering the symbol, allegory and metaphor of the Polish Paris that has several meanings.It reflects the fact that the Polish nation has created in the XIXe century his “capital” - the place of refuge and ingathering of the exiles wanting to regain the independence of Poland abroad since the late XVIIIe and all throughout the XIXe century. Later, Paris becomes the spiritual capital of peasants polish who came in France for economic and political reasons. But Paris had also a profound influence over Poles. If the Paris cosmopolitan has educated the Sarmatians of the XVIIe and XVIIIe centuries, it has established itself as a universal center of culture and innovation in all areas of creation in the years 1890-1939.Certainly, the Polish Paris has a rightful place among the Slavic national representations. However, his use in a class of French as a foreign language allows the study of Franco- Polish relations under the double sign of the fascination and disillusionment. While the French Spirit remains synonymous with elegance and the Parisian language reflects a lifestyle, Maria Walewska remains the emblem of the Franco-Polish emotional relationship. In turn, the representation of the brave Polish immigrant reminds the exile and the occupied Paris - the struggle for “our freedom and yours”. As for the Slavic artists of the Ecole de Paris, did they manage to reinvent the Polish Paris?

[pt] A história política da Espanha franquista caracterizou-se por paradoxos e por contradições. A sua Política Externa foi um dos maiores e talvez o mais notável desses paradoxos, pois aponta para compromissos que contradiziam a ideologia do regime e a sua política interna. Esse foi o caso das relações que a Espanha manteve com Cuba após a revolução liderada por Fidel Castro. Este trabalho objetiva explicar as razões dessa relação especial contrapondo duas variáveis, sendo a primeira de caráter cultural e identitário, e a segunda, de natureza econômica. Procura, por fim, demonstrar que a explicação mais adequada é aquela que conjuga as duas variáveis. / [en] The political history of Franco s Spain was characterized by paradoxes and contradictions. Its Foreign Policy was one of the major and perhaps the most remarkable of these paradoxes, because it points out to commitments which contradict the ideology of Franco s regime and its internal politics. This was the case of the relationship between Franco s Spain and Cuba under Fidel Castro. This work seeks to explain this special relationship opposing two variables, one from cultural and identity nature, and the other from economic kind. Finally, it tries to demonstrate that the most appropriate explanation is the one that combines both variables.

Estudo da formação do primeiro acervo público sistemático de arte moderna da cidade, adquirido pela Seção de Arte da então Biblioteca Pública Municipal de São Paulo, atual Biblioteca Mário de Andrade (BMA), entre 1943 e 1959, período em que Sérgio Milliet foi diretor geral da instituição e em que Maria Eugênia Franco foi diretora da Seção de Arte. Insere a instituição no contexto cultural e político de modernização da cidade e apresenta o acervo adquirido, relacionando as atividades museais que levaram à sua constituição e exposição com a atuação mais ampla dos protagonistas da instituição em prol da consolidação da arte moderna e da formação de público e artistas / This study focuses on São Paulo\'s first public collection of modern art, acquired by the Art Division of the then called São Paulo Municipal Public Library, known today as Mario de Andrade Library, between the years of 1943 and 1959. At the time Sérgio Milliet was the director of the institution and Maria Eugênia Franco was responsible for the Art Division. The investigation places this institution in the city\'s modernization cultural and political context, and presents the collection analyzing the museological activities that ensured its constitution and exposure, considering the extensive work performed by the institution\'s protagonists in favour of the consolidation of modern art and the shaping of and art public as well as artists.

Au-delà du débat entre méthode intergouvernementale et méthode communautaire, le positionnement des Etats-nations par rapport à la construction européenne demeure une variable essentielle pour comprendre comment s’opère cette construction et à quels compromis elle parvient. Traditionnellement abordé sous l’angle de la puissance et de la géopolitique, le rapport entre les Etats de l’Union européenne, désormais réglé par la coopération institutionnelle, doit faire appel à d’autres grilles d’analyse issues de l’histoire et des différences culturelles, sociologiques, économiques, politiques entre les nations. Cette thèse, fondée à la fois sur une expérience diplomatique et sur des travaux de recherche et de réflexion, met en exergue le rôle central et systémique de la relation franco-allemande, à la lumière notamment de la rédaction du projet de Constitution européenne en 2002-2003, des positions actuelles de l’Union sur la politique d’élargissement et la relation avec la Russie, ou de la résolution des problèmes de l’union monétaire depuis 2010. La négociation du cadre financier pluriannuel de l’Union européenne montre comment les Etats-nations s’orientent à partir de la question des « soldes nets » qui oppose pays bénéficiaires et pays contributeurs. Une plus grande équité dans les dépenses et la répartition de la charge contributive pourrait être un moyen de dépasser ces négociations d’apothicaires. La politique étrangère européenne est encore plus l’exemple d’une politique contrainte par les différents intérêts nationaux, ce qui n’a pas empêché le développement de l’Europe de la défense dès lors que celle-ci restait adossée aux Etats-Unis et à l’OTAN. Revisitant la construction européenne en fonction des préférences nationales, cette thèse se conclut en posant l’articulation géopolitique entre Union européenne, « Europe espace » et « Europe puissance ». / Beyond the debate on intergovernmentalism and the “communautarian method”, the positioning of the “Nation States” in Europe is a key factor determining the European construction and its compromises. Traditionnally analysed through geopolitics and power politics, the relationship between the States of the European Union is nowadays ruled by institutional cooperation and must be addressed by new analytical schemes such as cultural, sociological, economical and political differences between the nations. This thesis, based on diplomatic experience and academic works, emphasizes the role of the franco-german relationship regarding in particular the negociation of the European constitution in 2002-2003, the EU positions on enlargement and the relationship to Russia, or the solution to the Eurozone crisis since 2010. In the negociation of the financial perspectives, the positions of Member States is determined by the question of budgetary balances in which contributors and beneficiaries of the EU budget face eachother. More equity in the sharing of expenditures and resources could be a mean to get out of these tough negociations. EU foreign policy is another example of a policy determined by national interests, which didn’t prevent the EU to develop a common defence policy as far as it remains compatible with NATO and the US Strategy. Having revisited the European integration through these national preferences, this thesis questions in conclusion the links between the EU, the European space and the European power.

O Aeroporto Internacional Governador André Franco Montoro (GRU), São Paulo, depende inteiramente da água subterrânea para suprir sua demanda. Entretanto, a prática de extração excessiva, que aumenta continuamente para atender à demanda de um número cada vez maior de passageiros e às dificuldades envolvidas com a recarga natural do aqüífero, levou a Empresa Brasileira de Infraestrutura Aeroportuária (Infraero) a procurar outras fontes de abastecimento. Embora a busca de solução para o problema da escassez da água, passe pela opção de recarga gerenciada do aqüífero, a falta da experiência nacional nessa área restringe a tomada da decisão na adoção dessa prática no país. Objetivando contribuir com estudos de viabilidade técnica da recarga gerenciada de aqüíferos em geral e, em particular, do Aeroporto Internacional Governador André Franco Montoro, este trabalho tem o objetivo de verificar, em escala piloto, a capacidade do solo-aqüífero do aeroporto em tratar adequadamente o esgoto gerado localmente. Para atingir esse objetivo, uma área adequada foi selecionada entre as diversas avaliadas, para a construção de uma unidade piloto de recarga de aqüífero. No local selecionado, amostras indeformadas da camada não saturada foram coletadas, caracterizadas e, posteriormente, montadas em colunas experimentais especiais, pelas quais o esgoto foi infiltrado de maneira controlada. Como os resultados desta primeira fase experimental não foram adequadamente atendidos, foi decidido efetuar coletas de amostras indeformadas em uma segunda área do aeroporto, que indicou a existência de uma camada vadosa mais profunda, mas perfil de solo semelhante ao perfil anterior. Os ensaios de colunas foram efetuados com amostras de ambas as áreas, indicando que o solo superficial do aeroporto deverá ser eliminado, ou substituído por uma camada de areia grossa para permitir uma recarga gerenciada que permita a produção de águas com qualidade adequada para os usos preconizados. Os diferentes cenários utilizados nesta pesquisa envolveram a infiltração nas colunas de recarga com esgotos secundários produzidos no aeroporto, após passagem por duas lagoas de retenção, a infiltração do mesmo efluente tratado por um processo físico-químico de coagulação/floculação/sedimentação e pelo mesmo efluente das lagoas de retenção após tratamento por um sistema de membranas de ultrafiltração. Os resultados obtidos são considerados como resultados parciais, uma vez que toda a profundidade do aqüífero não foi utilizada e pelo fato de que, face às restrições acadêmicas vigentes o tempo disponível para a realização da pesquisa foi extremamente restringido. Entretanto, considera-se este trabalho como pioneiro, pelo fato dele se constituir na primeira pesquisa sobre recarga gerenciada no Brasil e, ainda, por fornecer subsídios teóricos e práticos para suportar outros estudos semelhantes que se farão necessários para compreender e promover a prática de recarga gerenciada de aqüíferos no Brasil. / The Governor André Franco Montoro International Airport, São Paulo, entirely depends on groundwater to meet its demand. However, excessive extraction practice which increase continuously in order to attend the demand of increasing number of passengers and the difficulty involved with natural recharge of its aquifer led the Federal Airport Administration Agency (Infraero) to search for other sources of water supply. Although the search for solution for water scarcity problem goes through managed aquifer recharge, lack of national experience in this area restricts decision making in adopting this practice in the country. Contributing to the technical feasibility studies of managed aquifer recharge in general and the Governor André Franco Montoro International Airport in particular, this research has the objective of verifying at the pilot scale level, the capacity of airport soil-aquifer in adequately treating wastewater generated locally. In order to reach this objective, an adequate location was selected within the alternatives evaluated for the construction of a pilot unit for aquifer recharge. Undeformed samples were collected from the unsaturated layer of the selected place, characterized and afterwards, recharged through special experimental columns with wastewater which was filtered in a controlled form. As the results of the first experimental phase were not adequately met, a decision was made to collect undeformed samples from a second location in the airport. The collection indicated the existence of deep unsaturated layer with the soil profile being similar to the profile of the soil layer from which the first samples were collected. The soil column tests were carried out with samples from both areas, indicating that superficial part of airport soil will be eliminated or substituted with a coarse sandy layer in order to permit a managed aquifer recharge which allows production of water that meets the quality of its required uses. Of the different scenarios verified in this research was infiltration of secondary wastewater produced at the airport through soil columns. Another was infiltration of wastewater after its pre-treatment by physicalchemical processes of coagulation/flocculation/sedimentation and still a third scenario, through pre-treatment of secondary effluent by ultrafiltration membrane. The results obtained are considered partial since the total aquifer depth was not used and the fact that academic restrictions limited excessively the time period of the research. However, considering this as a pioneer work, and the fact that it constitutes the first research about managed aquifer recharge in Brazil, and with it, bringing theoretical and practical contributions to support other similar studies which would be necessary in understanding and promoting managed aquifer recharge practice in Brazil.

Du réarmement de l’Allemagne fédérale en 1955 jusqu’aux nouvelles missions actuelles à l’étranger mandatées par une organisation internationale et au nom de la défense des droits de l’homme, la Bundeswehr a accompli une évolution singulière, différente des armées des autres nations. Créée de toutes pièces, après la défaite de la 2e guerre mondiale, selon une conception tout opposée à la Wehrmacht et sous la contrainte qu’imposait la Guerre froide, elle s’est ensuite adaptée au gré des menaces et des détentes, mais sans jamais avoir d’autres missions que celle pour laquelle elle a été conçue : défendre l’Europe au sein de l’Alliance atlantique contre l’expansionnisme communiste. La RFA a cherché à se positionner parmi les nations non-nucléaires de l’OTAN et tout en tentant de participer la décision en matière nucléaire. Elle a cherché à faire valoir ses intérêts à travers l’influence que les gouvernements et les chanceliers de tous bords se succédant ont pu exercer sur les deux puissances à l’Est et à l’Ouest, mais aussi à travers l’engagement résolu pour la construction européenne, en concert avec la France. Elle a fait de même par les positions que ses ministres de la Défense et ses représentants civils et militaires ont occupées au sein de l’OTAN. Cette remarquable continuité a abouti à la chute du mur de Berlin et à la fin du monde bipolaire. La Bundeswehr a dû en conséquence à l’instar de son organisme de tutelle, l’Alliance atlantique, se redéfinir et prendre des responsabilités plus importantes dans les conflits européens et mondiaux, sans pour autant abandonner sa doctrine initiale liée à la « Loi fondamentale ». / From the rearmament of Western Germany in 1955 to the today « new missions » under UN mandate and on behalf of the protection of human rights, the “Bundeswehr”, i.e. the German Armed Forces, has been evolving in quite a different way from the other nations. As a matter of fact, the Bundeswehr was set up from scratch after the World War 2 defeat as an armed force based on a conception opposite of the previous Wehrmacht and under the constraints of the Cold War. It then tried to adapt to the various threats and policies of détente but without diverging from its fundamental mission: the defence of the European territory against communist expansion. At that time, Western Germany tried to find its place among the NATO non nuclear States while participating in the nuclear decision making process. It also pushed forward its national interests through the particular influence of its governments and prime ministers on both western and eastern nations and helped promote the EU construction in cooperation with France. It conducted the same policy within NATO. This remarkable political continuity led to the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the bipolar world. From that moment on, the Bundeswehr had, just as NATO, to redefine and accept wider responsibilities in European and world conflicts while maintaining its original political doctrine enshrined in its Fundamental Law.

Cette recherche comparative entre le droit français et le droit chinois est particulièrement consacrée au dixième anniversaire de l’ordonnance française du 23 mars 2006 et de la LDR (Loi chinoise sur les droits réels) du 16 mars 2007 qui représente la première réforme chinoise complète du droit des sûretés réelles. A partir des principes directeurs des sûretés réelles, tant préférentielles qu’exclusives, une analyse approfondie de l’influence de la simplification sur le droit des sûretés réelles, en France comme en Chine, s’est poursuivie tout en prenant compte la renaissance des propriétés-sûretés et la prospective du droit de la rétention. D’ailleurs, certaines institutions ou techniques d’autres pays occidentaux ont été inclues dans l’analyse comparative pour montrer les divers aspects et aussi l’attractivité du droit français.En se basant sur une même théorie juridique, les législateurs français et chinois ont, certes, choisi des techniques différentes pour contourner des difficultés identiques. Mais la tendance de simplification du droit des sûretés réelles mobilières, qui favorise la sécurité de la « contractualisation » des sûretés réelles mobilières, dans les deux pays, restera une convergence indéniable. Ainsi, il y aurait lieu de croire que le législateur chinois va prendre en compte les techniques françaises dans les futures réformes portant sur les sûretés réelles mobilières qui doivent toujours caractérisées par la sécurité, la simplicité et la rapidité. / This comparative research between French law and Chinese law is particularly devoted to the tenth anniversary of the French ordinance of 23 March 2006 and the LDR (Chinese property law) of 16 March 2007 which is the first complete Chinese law which reforms the Chinese Security Interest. Departure from guiding principles of different security interest, both preferential than exclusive, an in-depth analysis of the impact of simplification on the security laws, in France as in China, continued while taking account of the rebirth of the properties-securities and the prospective of liens. Moreover, some institutions or techniques of other Western countries have been included in the comparative analysis to show the different aspects and also the attractiveness of the French law.Based on the same legal theory, French and Chinese legislators have certainly chosen different techniques to overcome the same difficulties. But the simplification of guarantee laws, which promotes the safety of "contractualization" of security interest in both countries will remain an undeniable convergence. Thus, there is reason to believe that the Chinese legislator will take into account the French techniques in future reforms in the security rights that are always characterized by safety, simplicity and speed.

La France est souvent perçue comme la principale garante du traité de Versailles. Le révisionnisme français envers l’ordre établi par le traité, contrairement au même courant chez les responsables allemands, est un sujet peu étudié. Il a été abordé par quelques auteurs, tels George-Henri Soutou et Stanislas Jeannesson, mais la question mérite davantage d’élaboration. Grâce à l’analyse de la presse française, ce mémoire vérifie l’existence d’une volonté de rendre le traité de paix plus favorable à la France. Une Machtpolitik ainsi qu’un révisionnisme français sont apparents de 1919 à 1923 avec, comme zénith, l’occupation de la Ruhr. Les années suivantes virent la situation de la France se détériorer sur les plans politique, économique et diplomatique. La dégradation de sa posture inclina la France à se tourner vers une conciliation qui émanait de l’esprit du traité de Versailles. La couverture de l’actualité internationale de trois journaux français (Le Temps, L’Action française et L’Humanité) avant et après l’invasion de la Ruhr est analysée. On constate l’existence d’un révisionnisme français qui mène, après son échec en 1924, à un recentrage de la politique allemande de la France. En liant la perception des différents journaux à leur idéologie, nous avons aussi expliqué les variations dans leurs analyses des mêmes événements. L’étude de la presse, conjuguée aux sources secondaires, révèle un discours teinté d’une volonté révisionniste. Elle porte à croire, aussi, que le traité de Versailles ne fut réellement défendu en France qu’après l’échec de la politique de puissance et du révisionnisme français. / There is a common perception of France as being the guarantor of the Treaty of Versailles. French revisionism towards the established order by that treaty, unlike its German counterpart, is a subject which has yet to receive much attention. It was first addressed by authors such as George-Henri Soutou and Stanislas Jeannesson, but the issue requires further inquiry. Grounded in an analysis of the French press, this memoir confirms the existence of a will to make the peace treaty more favourable to France. Machtpolitik and French revisionism are noticeable traits from 1919 until 1923 with, at its pinnacle, the occupation of the Ruhr. The following years witnessed a worsening of the French situation at the political, economic and diplomatic levels. Its degrading position hauled France into a conciliation which stemmed from the spirit of the Treaty of Versailles. The international news coverage in three French newspapers (Le Temps, L’Action française and L’Humanité) before and after the Ruhr invasion is the object of analysis. The study confirms the existence of a French revisionism which, after its downfall in 1924, led to a refocusing of France’s German policy. By linking the different newspapers’ perception to their ideology, it explained variations that occurred in their analyses of the same events. The newspaper study coupled with the secondary sources reveals a discourse marked by a revisionist will. It also suggests that the Treaty of Versailles was not supported in France until after the demise of power politics as well as French revisionism.

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Hist.--Paris 4. Titre de soutenance : Aux origines du chemin de fer de Djibouti à Addis-Abeba. / En appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. p. 713-726.

Cette thèse de doctorat porte sur « La vie de couple : Étude comparative entre les couples syriens, français et franco-syriens ». Cette étude met en évidence l’importance d’une relation qui forme le coeur de la première cellule dans la société qui est la famille. C'est la première étude qui tente d’explorer ce sujet à fond. La thèse s'intéresse à l’analyse de la construction du couple dans deux sociétés et deux cultures (France-Syrie). Elle permet de mieux cerner le rôle de l’environnement social et familial dans la stabilité ou les difficultés que traversent parfois les couples. L’échantillon de la recherche est composé de 55 couples (110 sujets). Il est réparti en quatre groupes : 30 couples syriens vivant en Syrie, 13 couples syriens vivant en France, 7 couples franco-syriens vivant en France ainsi que 5 couples français vivant en France. Les outils de la recherche sont les entretiens semi-directifs, le questionnaire de l’entente conjugale et le T.A.T. Les résultats de cette étude sont que les variables étudiées démontrent une différence significative et importante entre les quatre groupes de l’échantillon de la recherche sauf pour deux variables : l’entente conjugale et les activités partagées dans le couple qui ne montrent pas de différence significative. En conclusion, cette étude contribue à déterminer les facteurs de la réussite du mariage, de convergence dans le couple, de la mésentente et les causes de tension et de conflit. Elle fournit des bases afin d’élaborer un programme de consultation visant à améliorer la relation au sein du couple. / This thesis focuses on « the life of couples: comparative study between Syrian couples, French and Franco-Syrian ». This study highlights relationship of the family which is considered as a crucial cell that builds society. This study is the first of its kind that attempts to explore this issue thoroughly. This thesis is interested in analyzing the structure of couples in two diffrent societies and two cultures in both Syria and France. This study focuses on the importance of the role of the family and social environment in either stability or instability cases and in the difficulties that couples are passing through sometimes. The research sample consists of 55 couples (110 sujets), which was divided into four groups as the following : 30 Syrian couples living in Syria, and 13 Syrian couples living in France, 7 Franco-Syrian couples living in France, and 5 French couples living in France. The reserch is based mainly on undirected interviews containing questions about couples life, marital understanding, and projective test TAT. Search results : The studied variables shows a quiet signifiant difference between the four groups in the sample, while there are two variables which are the marital understand and the joint activities between the couple that did not show any differences. In conclusion, this study helps in defining the marriage success factors in terms of matching and agreement between the couple and disagreement between them. Also defining the causes of tension and conflit and provides bases to develop a consultation program to improve the relationship between the couple.