Olikheter i konceptuella frågor kan försvåra samarbeten mellan försvarsmakter. Exempelvis kan olikheterna, vilka kan bero på olika historisk utveckling av idétraditioner mellan länder, påverka förståelsen av krigföringen i respektive land. Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka skillnader i idétraditioner samt hur det påverkar synen på krigföring. Givet skillnader, hur kan dessa förstås och förklaras? Uppsatsen beskriver militärteori utifrån två former, en linjär och en icke-linjär, vilka används för att analysera Sveriges och Norges doktriner samt dess användande. Slutsatsen av analysen är att det finns skillnader och dessa skillnader kan omedvetet resultera i att förståelsen för krigföring uttrycks på olika sätt, det vill säga att det blir olika språk. Uppsatsen argumenterar för att detta kan påverka militära samarbeten och även om dessa förhållanden delvis kan förändras är det kanske inte alltid eftersträvansvärt.

A birth certificate provides a child with a legal identity, nationality, is a vital action towards child protection and can help a child access social welfare. Worldwide, almost 230 million children under the age of five have not been registered. Other than the vast negative impacts on the child it creates a blind spot in population statistics. Indonesia is one of the countries where the problem is widespread - only 57 percent of the children under the age of five have a birth certificate. In December 2013 a law was ratified in Indonesia, imposing changes in the birth registration process. This paper seeks to explore how the target group of that law, i.e. parents, perceive their possibility to comply with the policy, that is, to obtain a birth certificate for their children.  Based on a field study in Nusa Tenggara Timur, Indonesia, conducting in-depth interviews with 58 parents as well as stakeholders such as policy implementers and NGOs, this thesis will propose that there is a variance in how the policy has been implemented in different regencies. The results indicate that the variance in the implementation, as well as the policy setting prior implementation in each regency, affects the parents’ perceived possibility to comply. In one of the studied regencies the implementation of the policy has affected the parents’ possibility to comply in a critically negative way, increasing the hindrances to obtain a birth certificate. Further, the regency politicians have created forced incentives to comply by making birth certificate mandatory to register for school, creating a vast risk of removing childrens’ access to education.

No description available.

The Swedish Moderate party, often also called the Conservative party, was founded with conservatism as the dominant ideology. During the years, however, liberalism has gradually found its way into the party. The aim of this study is to analyze the Moderate party’s political platforms from 1984 to 2013 from an ideological perspective. Is conservatism still a foundational ideology in the Moderate party, or has the liberal ideology taken its place? The study is based on an ideal type analysis that illustrates the Moderate party’s argumentation in six political issues in the years 1984, 1993 and 2013. The political issues that have been analyzed are issues where the two ideologies traditionally take very different stands. The result of the study shows that the Moderate party in 1984, according to the six studied political issues, argued from a predominantly conservative perspective. In 1993 the ideological status of the party had changed and more of a mixture between liberalism and conservatism existed. The analysis of the political platform from 2013 shows that the Moderate party has adapted a liberal view in several of the political issues that has been studied. Even though they still use conservative argumentation in two of the six issues, an obvious journey towards liberalism has taken place.

The purpose of this study is to explain if the existence of ethnic groups in Rwanda has complicated its democratization and explain what opportunities Rwanda has to be democratized. To fulfill the purpose of the study, I intend to answer two questions: 1) Does the existence of ethnic groups obstructed democratization in Rwanda? and 2) What opportunities has Rwanda to be democratized? To answer the first research question Dahl's theory of subcultures and democratization is used and to answer the second research question van de Walle's theory of democratization is used in the region of sub-Saharan Africa. Literature used in the study are Dahl's Polyarchy and van de Walle Africa’s range of regimes and Freedom House annual reports. Scientific articles also complements the previously mentioned materials. The study's main limitations regarding democracy, measured at the national level and temporal boundaries from 1994 through 2014, although historical experience before 1994 also analyzed. The study is a theory consuming trial when the case Rwanda stands in the center and shapes itself through a qualitative methodology. The study's conclusions is that the existence of ethnic groups have complicated democratization in Rwanda since all ethnic groups may not participate in political processes and there are no major agreements between the ethnic groups who strive to provide certainty for each ethnic group. Rwanda has however managed to fix many national problems since the genocide in 1994, which is mainly combat corruption. The study's second conclusion is that the Rwandan possibilities for a future democratization seen as small mainly because today's political oppression is great although Rwanda has the capacity to solve national problems overshadowed the country of these problems.

No description available.

This study aims at examining the level of institutionalization of the argentine party system as well as the Justicialist party. The paper presents two parallel analyses on the argentine party system and the Justicialist Party using two different perspectives on the concept of institutionalization. The first is a qualitative analysis using Mainwaring and Scully’s (1995) theory and operationalization of institutionalizations of party systems. This part analyses presidential and parliamentary electoral results in the period between 1995 and 2013. The second part of the study is a qualitative analysis of the Justicialist Party within the theoretical framework proposed by Randall and Svåsand (2002). This section analyses the origins of the party and its history throughout the 1900’s focusing on the character of the party, the relationship between the party as a whole and its leader(s) as well as the relationship between the party as a whole and its different factions.

Den här uppsatsen grundar sig i en kvalitativ undersökning rörande Stockholms bostadsmarknad. Det empiriska materialet består av semistrukturerade intervjuer samt en litteraturstudie. Intervjuerna har genomförts med aktörer som alla har intresse i bostadsmarknaden. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka vad som hindrar ett ökat bostadsbyggande i Stockholm. Då efterfrågan är betydligt större än vad utbudet är har priserna på bostäder blivit skyhöga, samtidigt som kötiderna på hyresrätter blivit långa. Detta har resulterat att socioekonomiska aspekter blivit avgörande för hur en person skaffar sig bostad. En nybliven student är exempelvis varken kapitalstark eller har många år i kötid. Idag råder det även brist på studentbostäder vilket tillsammans med den generella bostadsbristen kommit att bli en problematisk situation. Att beräkningar dessutom visar på att befolkningen i Stockholm kommer att öka gör inte situationen bättre. Stockholm behöver fler bostäder och resultatet av undersökningen indikerar på att det finns vissa saker i bygg- och planeringsprocessen som bör ses över. Det har visat sig att överklagan av bygglov och detaljplaner hindrar bostadsbyggandet då det drar ut på processerna vilket driver upp kostnaderna. Undersökningen tyder även på att kraven angående buller och tillgänglighetsanpassning kan ligga som hinder för ett ökat bostadsbyggande.

The Afghan war post 9/11 has become the source of multiple case studies. Recent studies suggest that variations in domestic support for deployment of troops in Afghanistan can be explained by means of the strategic narratives provided by the policymakers of the contributing state; a strong consistent narrative increases public support. Scholars recognize a Swedish catch-all narrative, which suggests weakens the narrative, thus raising the uncertainty among the public. This thesis investigates the projection of Swedish strategic narrative through elite Swedish newspapers. The content analysis reveals an inconsistency between the policymaker’s formation of the strategic narrative and the narrative projected by individual newspapers. The finding suggests that the lack of a strong strategic narrative due to the inconsistencies raised an uncertainty among the public during the period. The results recognize media to be a significant, but surprisingly unnoticed actor in the projection of policymakers’ strategic narratives.

In the last decade, there has been a diffusion of civic integration policies in Europe, which requires immigrants by certain category of entry to accomplish integration tests for acquisition of residence. Despite a flurry of literature based on civic integration policies, attention drawn to the implication of these policies has been quite rare. This thesis examines how civic integration strategies associate with immigration, and tests if civic integration policies are connected to variations of immigration by certain category of entry. I argue in this thesis that the conditional factor in civic integration policies creates a barrier for affected migrants and their possibility to gain long term residence in the host country. Based on theories of immigrant integration that relate civic integration to the backlash against multiculturalism in Europe, the thesis emphasize a reasoning in which the push for internal inclusion seems to be associated with excluding implications. The result presented here shows that there are connections between the extension of civic integration policies and reduced family and labour immigration between 2004 and 2011. The connection between the variables can however not be discerned from other integration requirements. The main concern is the lack of harmonized data, which obstructs the possibility to test for causality and to draw generalizing conclusions. However, the thesis reveals noteworthy correlations between the concepts, which contribute to the research field by connecting civic integration to immigration and by showing what implications civic integration policies may result in.