The purpose of this essay is to investigate how the Swedish media framed the political party, the Swedish Democrats, two weeks prior to the election of parliament in 2014. This essay starts with the historical background of the political party, the Swedish Democrats, and continues with the theoretical framework for the essay. The theoretical framework consists of three theories: framing, media logic and media’s role in the democratic society. The essay’s main problem is presented as the question: What media image was there of the Swedish Democrats before the election of parliament in 2014? The main problem is answered by using a quantitative content analysis on the essay’s empirical material, 68 news articles from four Swedish daily newspapers. Results show that the Swedish Democrats have been framed negatively in the media prior to the election of parliament in 2014.

Honor related violence has become a recognized abuse all over the world and violence against women carried out by the men in their families is and has always been a resurfacing problem in all societies. This paper will focus on the problems which relate to cultures where honor related violence is a more common practice and will depart from societies where men can take violent actions against women in the name of family honor and hide behind cultural exemptions. This paper is written to create a deeper insight to the needs and wants of subjected women and to understand their own perception of this type of violence and its underlying causes. This paper takes on the view solely of the subjected women and is a direct presentation of their stories and their lives. Instead of using outside observers this paper goes directly to the women living in these types of situations and represents the women based on their own wants and needs from society and authority. The methodological framework for this paper is through an inductive process of writing and is through observations and unstructured interviews trying to build a systematic description revolving around the victims of honor related violence. The interviews, biographic narratives, will ask the participants to tell a story about their lives, a biographic narrative where they will freely speak and this will be facilitated during eight in-depth interviews with four different women who during many years lived under abuse carried out in the name of honor by two husband, a father, and several uncles. The results of these interviews lead to the conclusions that women often are ignored and forgotten by outside forces such as police and organizations until a crime is committed.

Arbetets syfte var att undersöka intentionen och förväntade effekter av den nya sjöarbetskonventionen som nu ska implementeras vad gäller bemanningsnivåer och vilotider på svenska fartyg. Genom att först genomföra en litteraturstudie lades grunden för arbetet. Med anledning av att konventionen inte var implementerad genomfördes en kvalitativ intervjustudie mot tre sakkunniga representanter från svensk sjöfartsnäring för att utreda vad konventionens verkliga intention var. Därefter genomfördes en kvalitativ intervjustudie mot fyra aktörer i den svenska sjöfartsnäringen för att utreda vad dessa förväntade sig för effekter av konventionen, gällande bemanningsnivåer och vilotider. Resultatet av undersökningarna visade på att konventionens intention är att höja den internationella standarden vad gäller just bemanningsnivåer och vilotider till en nivå som liknar den svenska relativt höga nivån. Vad gäller förväntade effekter av konventionen tror de svenska aktörerna att den svenska sjöfartsbranschen kommer att se ganska små förändringar om några alls. / The purpose of this thesis was to examine the intention and expected outcome of the new Maritime Labour Convention 2006 (MLC 2006) regarding the regulations of manning levels and hours of rest on Swedish vessels. Firstly, a thorough literature review was conducted to create a sound foundation for the following investigations. Given that the convention was not implemented during the work of this thesis a qualitative interview was carried out on three expert representatives from the Swedish shipping industry. The purpose of this interview was to determine the intention of the convention. After that a qualitative interview was carried through on four stakeholders in the Swedish shipping industry to investigate what their expectations of the convention's outcome was regarding manning levels and hours of rest. The resulting conclusions of theese studies show that the conventions intention is to raise the global standard of manning levels and hours of rest to a level that is similar to the one already used in the Swedish shipping industry. The expected outcome of the convention regarding the Swedish shipping industry was that there will be very little, or no changes at all.

Abstract Student democracy as an objective and as a means Essay in Political Science, D-level Author: Erik Lisshammar Tutor: Susan Marton Despite attitudes towards student democracy being generally positive, students have almost no influence over their position. This implementation study looks into whether or not students’ weak position of power results from something other than a democratising of schools taking priority when student influence is encouraged. With an aim of explaining what is hoped to be achieved and if these intentions are to be spread, the purpose is to investigate to what extent standards concerning student democracy are transferred between institutions. In order to find out, the question is posed of whether their aims for student democracy conform. This overriding question is coupled together with the following four defining research questions: 1. Why does the government seek student democracy/influence? 2. Why does parliament seek student democracy/influence? 3. Why does the National Agency for Education seek student democracy/influence? 4. Why does the high school board for Karlstad and Hammarö seek student democracy/influence? To answer all these questions, the theory of sociological institutionalisation is put into operation. It is then applied to documents that illustrate the institutions’ incentives and relations to one another. When the contents of the texts are analysed it is clear that all parties really want to increase student democracy/influence. Furthermore, all the institutions have an aim to improve students’ democratic power in society together with perceptions and behaviour in public life. The government and parliament are alone in striving after an improvement in students’ learning and making use of their competence, so the answer to the overriding question is actually no. Similarly, the National Agency for Education is also alone in its ambition to improve students’ knowledge as is the high school board in wanting to increase the freedom of choice for those concerned. These differences, as well as the similarities, have a clear connection with the inter-institutional exchanges. Differing objectives are caused by an unsuccessful transfer of standards, whilst identical standards arise as a consequence of successful transfers.

Abstract Matchmaking on an organisational level – about co-operation between municipal introduction-units and voluntary organisations Essay in Political Science D, by Rebecka Johansson, spring 2006 The aim of this study is to examine co-operation between municipal introduction-units, which work to integrate newly arrived immigrants and refuges, and voluntary organisations in Sweden. The essay is a comparative case study which examines three local authorities and the main questions are; - Do voluntary organisations constitute a functioning co-operation partner to the municipal introduction-units? Are there conditions for future co-operation? The answer to the questions is that there are no, or rarely any, co-operation between voluntary organisations and municipal introduction-units. It is difficult to judge whether there are conditions for future co-operation. The theory used is interorganisational theory and it’s thesis on resource-dependency. According to the theory organisations need to have some kind of dependency towards the other organisations to be interested in co-operation. This study shows that the local authorities are more eager to co-operate than the voluntary organisations. Both types of organisations can see benefits with co-operation, but the voluntary organisations also see costs. The main problem for the voluntary organisations is lack of resources, both economic and personnel. Many organisations have too few volunteers. Both the local authorities and the voluntary organisations see the role of the voluntary organisations as being a complement to the local authorities. The local authorities are only willing to compensate the voluntary organisations economically for smaller costs in an eventual co-operation. In other fields such as healthcare the role of voluntary organisations has developed from being a voice to delivering services on payment from the public sector. The integration field has not reached this point, and many voluntary organisations are critical towards such a development as they fear losing their autonomy in a too close co-operation with the local authority. The local authorities want to co-operate, but they still want to be in charge of the introduction program.

Syftet med denna studie är att redogöra för hur man i den vetenskapliga debatten ser på en europeisk säkerhets- och försvarspolitik och en gemensam säkerhets- och försvarspolitik för EU under 2000-talet, vilket möjliggör för en oinsatt läsare att kunna bilda sig en egen åsikt i frågan. Den valda metoden är en tankeskoleanalys som tar fram de olika åsiktslägren som finns i debatten, och redogör översiktligt över vilka åsikter dessa läger innehåller. Resultatet av denna studie är fem tankeskolor som har en liknande syn på EU och motiven bakom den gemensamma säkerhets- och försvarspolitiken.Tankeskolorna är emellertid mer olika när det gäller den framtida utvecklingen för politiken och EU, där allt från civil krishantering till militära insatser förespråkas med djupare integrering. Slutsatsen till varför det finns så många olika sidor och åsikter kring EU:s säkerhets- och försvarspolitik i debatten under 2000-talet är att det politiska läget och EU:s roll idag är förändrad. I tidigare debatter under det kalla kriget dominerade synpunkter om  USA:s roll för det internationella säkerhetsläget.  EU spelade därigenom enbart en begränsad roll. I dag är klimatet öppnare, och EU och debattörerna börjar argumentera för att EU bör ta en större plats internationellt.

Specialförband ska tillföra handlingsalternativ som ligger utanför reguljära förbands förmågor. Specialförband ska genomföra specialoperationer i hela kontinuumet mellan fred och krig med bred palett av förmågor. Detta ställer höga krav på en adekvat materielförsörjning som svarar mot de krav som ställs på specialförbanden. Trots detta är det lite forskat inom detta område. Syftet med denna uppsats är att med utgångspunkt i McRavens specialförbandsteori och med stöd av strategiskt vald empiri inom materielförsörjning identifiera kriterier som bör beaktas vid materielförsörjning av specialförband. Resultatet är femton kriterier som är av vikt för en materielförsörjningsorganisation. Kriterierna klustrades i fyra grupper: personliga egenskaper, organisatoriska egenskaper, metodologiska egenskaper och materiella egenskaper. Det uppsatsen visar på som är mycket viktigt är de personliga egenskaperna, utan dessa kommer det vara svårt att uppnå de övriga kriterierna som identifierades.

No description available.

Global social injustice and inequalities remain deeply embedded in our globalized world, often explained as a consequence of the current economic structures and institutions. Therefore, there has been an increase in arenas that attracts mobilization of the global civil society to oppose the neoliberal economic globalization and combat social injustices and inequalities. The World Social Forum (WSF) is an example of an arena that emerged with these purposes. However, research shows that there are criticism regarding the character and function of the WSF. This literature study examines the reasons behind the criticism and compares them with the WSF’s charter of principles to see if the WSF is living up to its ideals. It also analyzes if the WSF’s principles are reflected in the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the 2030 Agenda. This is done through a content analysis and within the framework of social justice and transnational public sphere. The study concludes that the WSF does not live up to its ideals because of a lack in organizational structure, exclusive and elitist character, and also the inequalities and inequities that are reinforced within the WSF. Moreover, the study shows that the WSF’s principles can be found among the 17 SDGs in the 2030 Agenda which can indicate that the WSF has had an indirect role in influencing global development policies.

The different factors behind why people vote as they do have been researched for a very long time. Ever since Anthony Downs revolutionary book An economic theory for democracy from 1957. Researchers have found different methods and models to explain voting behavior. One of these models is the rational choice model for voting which has been preferred amongst scientist since it gives a solid foundation to research people as equals. This Essay aimed to use rational choice as the model on peoples economic voting through the lens of their socio economic status. The method used in the essay was a data analysis of the Survey from 2010 by Valforskningsprogrammet in Gothenburg where 3963 people participated. With the help of statistics program variables within this essay was chosen and applied in a cross tabulation, regression-analysis and korrelation analysis. The results found that very little of people voting behavior correlated with their socio economic background and the majority did not vote rational according to the theory. Even though there was a small correlation confirmed it was not strong enough to warrant rational choice as the definitive voting behavioral model.