This essay takes the three models from Allison and Zelikow book Essence of decision and applies them on the Swedish defense system. After the cold war the Swedish defense system had to undergo changes to be a more modern defense and be able to defend Sweden against threats. To also be able to cooperate with other countries in peacekeeping operations the Swedish defense had to be reorganized. The solution was to change direction from a defense system that was organized for invasion to instead be a movable defense ready for any challenge in Sweden or abroad. This reorganization will be analyzed according to the three different models.

<p>This essay takes the three models from Allison and Zelikow book Essence of decision and applies them on the Swedish defense system. After the cold war the Swedish defense system had to undergo changes to be a more modern defense and be able to defend Sweden against threats. To also be able to cooperate with other countries in peacekeeping operations the Swedish defense had to be reorganized. The solution was to change direction from a defense system that was organized for invasion to instead be a movable defense ready for any challenge in Sweden or abroad. This reorganization will be analyzed according to the three different models.</p>

<p>University of Växjö, School of Social Sciences</p><p>Course: PO 5363, Political Science, G3</p><p>Title: the Role of the USA’s and Great Britain in the Coup d'Etat, Iran 1953</p><p>Author: Ashkan Panahirad</p><p>Supervisor: Lennart Bergfeldt</p><p>The purpose of this study is to examine Great Britain’s and US’ motives and action alternatives in regards to the Coup d'état against the iranian regime under Mossadegh in 1953.</p><p>The method used is motive analysis (investigates the actors motives). The theories used are Rational actors model and Governmental politics. Rational actor model allows states to choose among a set of alternatives displayed in a particular situation in order to achieve their goals. Governmental politics explains what happens in states as a result of bargaining games between important actors in the government.</p><p>Analysis from the rational actor model shows that the motives behind the Coup d'état were oil, economical reasons, Iran and communism. Coup d'état was the most rational action for them to achieve their goals. Governmental politics reveal the shifting of policies from one administration to another. While Clement Attlee’s government and Harry Truman’s administration where more moderate, Winston Churchill’s and Eisenhower’s where more eager to replace Mossadegh, which finally lead to a Coup d'état</p>

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-08T16:18:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 120352.pdf: 1315041 bytes, checksum: 0b6958daa662bdde6a56ce9a93ee226b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-07-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Essa pesquisa, ao construir um percurso poético e estético, resultado das visitas escolares tem por finalidade investigar a formação dos professores de Artes Visuais e o modo como ocorreu à inserção as tecnologias na sua prática pedagógica. Visa, portanto, compreender como os cursos de formação docente articulam ensino de Artes e Tecnologias para a sala de aula a partir da trajetória dos professores de Artes Visuais participantes do Programa Federal Um Computador por Aluno PROUCAnas escolas do Estado de Santa Catarina por meio do Projeto LapTop na Escola: Um estudo da produção da Imagem como estratégia de aprendizagem. Firma uma compreensão de como os professores vêm usando os LapTop s educacionais nas aulas de Artes Visuais. São evidenciadas questões como arte e tecnologia, políticas governamentais de incentivo ao uso de Tecnologias nas escolas, formação continuada em serviço para os professores, adequação do currículo escolar e práticas pedagógicas no ensino de artes com o computador. Com abordagem qualitativa, esta pesquisa envolve a análise de documentos, revisão bibliográfica, aplicação de questionários e entrevistas, bem como a interação dos professores de Artes Visuais na Plataforma Moodle, propiciando um panorama da situação dos professores envolvidos nesse programa.

Submitted by Edileide Reis (leyde-landy@hotmail.com) on 2013-04-25T14:36:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Jamerson da Silva.pdf: 1147733 bytes, checksum: 1cbe25672db4205df47ec026cd6ada91 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Auxiliadora Lopes(silopes@ufba.br) on 2013-05-17T15:57:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Jamerson da Silva.pdf: 1147733 bytes, checksum: 1cbe25672db4205df47ec026cd6ada91 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-17T15:57:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jamerson da Silva.pdf: 1147733 bytes, checksum: 1cbe25672db4205df47ec026cd6ada91 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Esta tese foi elaborada no interior do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação da Faculdade de Educação da Universidade Federal da Bahia, linha Educação, Cultura Corporal e Lazer e Grupo de Estudo e Pesquisa em Educação Física & Esporte e Lazer. O Grupo tem como objetivo central estudar as problemáticas significativas da práxis pedagógica, da formação de professores, da produção do conhecimento e das políticas públicas em Esporte e Lazer. Trata-se de uma pesquisa-ação realizada junto a Política Municipal de Esporte e Lazer da cidade do Recife, que teve como objetivo investigar as contradições e possibilidades de uma política de esporte e lazer contribuir para a educação emancipatória da juventude, tendo em vista o fortalecimento das classes populares na luta por uma nova hegemonia. Analisando as relações entre o jovem, o tempo livre e o lazer na era da máquina programável sob hegemonia do sistema do capital, o estudo salienta o papel da juventude na luta pela transformação da ordem social, vendo nas manifestações culturais do tempo livre uma importância estratégica no processo de educação emancipatória e defendendo seu espaço nos projetos democráticos e populares. A partir da pesquisa-ação realizada no programa Círculos Populares de Esporte e Lazer, particularmente o seu projeto Esporte do Mangue, cujo foco principal foi a juventude da periferia do Recife praticante de esportes radicais e das culturas relacionadas com o movimento manguebeat, o estudo defende a tese de que as possibilidades de uma política pública contribuírem para a realização de uma educação emancipatória da juventude estão ligada as seguintes condições: (1) a existência de uma gestão democrática e popular que esteja em sintonia com os referencias normativos da política de esporte e lazer; (2) orçamento adequado as necessidades do projeto; (3) equipe gestora e de educadores capacitada para o trabalho coletivo e militante; (4) formação continuada como espaço sistemático de reflexão e reordenação da política pública e não como ?mera capacitação?; (5) contanto permanente com as inovações científicas no setor; (6) sistematização de uma proposta pedagógica clara e que garanta a unidade das ações pedagógicas; (7) a extrapolação das ações para outros espaços políticos de disputa do governo da cidade. A investigação também evidenciou que, apesar da precariedade da ?máquina administrativa? ter prejudicado significativamente sua execução, o projeto desenvolveu uma política de acumulação de forças no sentido democrático e popular, na medida em que contribuiu para o fortalecimento e criação de novos organismos juvenis de hegemonia, na formação cultural de quadros orgânicos vinculados as classes populares, na conquista e ampliação de direitos no âmbito do esporte e lazer, e na elevação da consciência de classe da população. / Salvador

This thesis is concerned with creativity as an object of educational governance and a category of subjective identification. It studies a ‘creativity explosion’ in higher education in New Zealand, focusing on how fashion design students are being mobilized as subjects of creativity through ‘joined up’ modes of governance and technologies of educational choice. Using a poststructural ethnographic ‘methodology’ I explain how, from the late 1990s, models of educational governance began to appear dysfunctional and unable to deliver the attributes and capacities expected of citizens in a knowledge economy. I argue that creativity gained significance as a result of new ways of ‘thinking culture and economy together’. Neoliberal rhetorics representing creativity as flexible human capital and a generic, transferable skill needed by workers in the new economy, were articulated with liberal humanist notions about creativity, which are commonly understood and performed through the social categories of art. All kinds of individual and institutional actors took advantage of these shifting opportunity structures to position themselves with ‘creative’ identities. Within various cultural organisations, including universities, moves to strengthen a liberal agenda and retain creativity as a form of ‘arts knowledge’ with high cultural capital, rubbed up against counter-hegemonic strategies to enlist and develop more universal concepts about creativity as a collaborative endeavour, vital to new forms of capitalist enterprise. By historicising the context in which a new ‘normative doctrine’ of creativity has emerged, and by treating its theorisation as culturally performative, I develop the position that fashion design graduates, as ‘creative girls’, are highly productive performers in the new categories of cultural economy. However I argue that the creative girl occupies a subject position fitted to after-neoliberalised social and economic arrangements, not because she is shaped by neoliberal ideologies, but because she is made up by techniques and tactics of an ‘after-neoliberal’ governmentality. This demonstrates the mutual constitution of ‘creative economy’ and ‘creative persons’ and underlines the fact that despite after-neoliberal ambitions for managing education, there can be no simple cause and effect relation between higher education and economic performance.

This thesis is concerned with creativity as an object of educational governance and a category of subjective identification. It studies a ‘creativity explosion’ in higher education in New Zealand, focusing on how fashion design students are being mobilized as subjects of creativity through ‘joined up’ modes of governance and technologies of educational choice. Using a poststructural ethnographic ‘methodology’ I explain how, from the late 1990s, models of educational governance began to appear dysfunctional and unable to deliver the attributes and capacities expected of citizens in a knowledge economy. I argue that creativity gained significance as a result of new ways of ‘thinking culture and economy together’. Neoliberal rhetorics representing creativity as flexible human capital and a generic, transferable skill needed by workers in the new economy, were articulated with liberal humanist notions about creativity, which are commonly understood and performed through the social categories of art. All kinds of individual and institutional actors took advantage of these shifting opportunity structures to position themselves with ‘creative’ identities. Within various cultural organisations, including universities, moves to strengthen a liberal agenda and retain creativity as a form of ‘arts knowledge’ with high cultural capital, rubbed up against counter-hegemonic strategies to enlist and develop more universal concepts about creativity as a collaborative endeavour, vital to new forms of capitalist enterprise. By historicising the context in which a new ‘normative doctrine’ of creativity has emerged, and by treating its theorisation as culturally performative, I develop the position that fashion design graduates, as ‘creative girls’, are highly productive performers in the new categories of cultural economy. However I argue that the creative girl occupies a subject position fitted to after-neoliberalised social and economic arrangements, not because she is shaped by neoliberal ideologies, but because she is made up by techniques and tactics of an ‘after-neoliberal’ governmentality. This demonstrates the mutual constitution of ‘creative economy’ and ‘creative persons’ and underlines the fact that despite after-neoliberal ambitions for managing education, there can be no simple cause and effect relation between higher education and economic performance.

This thesis is concerned with creativity as an object of educational governance and a category of subjective identification. It studies a ‘creativity explosion’ in higher education in New Zealand, focusing on how fashion design students are being mobilized as subjects of creativity through ‘joined up’ modes of governance and technologies of educational choice. Using a poststructural ethnographic ‘methodology’ I explain how, from the late 1990s, models of educational governance began to appear dysfunctional and unable to deliver the attributes and capacities expected of citizens in a knowledge economy. I argue that creativity gained significance as a result of new ways of ‘thinking culture and economy together’. Neoliberal rhetorics representing creativity as flexible human capital and a generic, transferable skill needed by workers in the new economy, were articulated with liberal humanist notions about creativity, which are commonly understood and performed through the social categories of art. All kinds of individual and institutional actors took advantage of these shifting opportunity structures to position themselves with ‘creative’ identities. Within various cultural organisations, including universities, moves to strengthen a liberal agenda and retain creativity as a form of ‘arts knowledge’ with high cultural capital, rubbed up against counter-hegemonic strategies to enlist and develop more universal concepts about creativity as a collaborative endeavour, vital to new forms of capitalist enterprise. By historicising the context in which a new ‘normative doctrine’ of creativity has emerged, and by treating its theorisation as culturally performative, I develop the position that fashion design graduates, as ‘creative girls’, are highly productive performers in the new categories of cultural economy. However I argue that the creative girl occupies a subject position fitted to after-neoliberalised social and economic arrangements, not because she is shaped by neoliberal ideologies, but because she is made up by techniques and tactics of an ‘after-neoliberal’ governmentality. This demonstrates the mutual constitution of ‘creative economy’ and ‘creative persons’ and underlines the fact that despite after-neoliberal ambitions for managing education, there can be no simple cause and effect relation between higher education and economic performance.

This thesis is concerned with creativity as an object of educational governance and a category of subjective identification. It studies a ‘creativity explosion’ in higher education in New Zealand, focusing on how fashion design students are being mobilized as subjects of creativity through ‘joined up’ modes of governance and technologies of educational choice. Using a poststructural ethnographic ‘methodology’ I explain how, from the late 1990s, models of educational governance began to appear dysfunctional and unable to deliver the attributes and capacities expected of citizens in a knowledge economy. I argue that creativity gained significance as a result of new ways of ‘thinking culture and economy together’. Neoliberal rhetorics representing creativity as flexible human capital and a generic, transferable skill needed by workers in the new economy, were articulated with liberal humanist notions about creativity, which are commonly understood and performed through the social categories of art. All kinds of individual and institutional actors took advantage of these shifting opportunity structures to position themselves with ‘creative’ identities. Within various cultural organisations, including universities, moves to strengthen a liberal agenda and retain creativity as a form of ‘arts knowledge’ with high cultural capital, rubbed up against counter-hegemonic strategies to enlist and develop more universal concepts about creativity as a collaborative endeavour, vital to new forms of capitalist enterprise. By historicising the context in which a new ‘normative doctrine’ of creativity has emerged, and by treating its theorisation as culturally performative, I develop the position that fashion design graduates, as ‘creative girls’, are highly productive performers in the new categories of cultural economy. However I argue that the creative girl occupies a subject position fitted to after-neoliberalised social and economic arrangements, not because she is shaped by neoliberal ideologies, but because she is made up by techniques and tactics of an ‘after-neoliberal’ governmentality. This demonstrates the mutual constitution of ‘creative economy’ and ‘creative persons’ and underlines the fact that despite after-neoliberal ambitions for managing education, there can be no simple cause and effect relation between higher education and economic performance.

This thesis is concerned with creativity as an object of educational governance and a category of subjective identification. It studies a ‘creativity explosion’ in higher education in New Zealand, focusing on how fashion design students are being mobilized as subjects of creativity through ‘joined up’ modes of governance and technologies of educational choice. Using a poststructural ethnographic ‘methodology’ I explain how, from the late 1990s, models of educational governance began to appear dysfunctional and unable to deliver the attributes and capacities expected of citizens in a knowledge economy. I argue that creativity gained significance as a result of new ways of ‘thinking culture and economy together’. Neoliberal rhetorics representing creativity as flexible human capital and a generic, transferable skill needed by workers in the new economy, were articulated with liberal humanist notions about creativity, which are commonly understood and performed through the social categories of art. All kinds of individual and institutional actors took advantage of these shifting opportunity structures to position themselves with ‘creative’ identities. Within various cultural organisations, including universities, moves to strengthen a liberal agenda and retain creativity as a form of ‘arts knowledge’ with high cultural capital, rubbed up against counter-hegemonic strategies to enlist and develop more universal concepts about creativity as a collaborative endeavour, vital to new forms of capitalist enterprise. By historicising the context in which a new ‘normative doctrine’ of creativity has emerged, and by treating its theorisation as culturally performative, I develop the position that fashion design graduates, as ‘creative girls’, are highly productive performers in the new categories of cultural economy. However I argue that the creative girl occupies a subject position fitted to after-neoliberalised social and economic arrangements, not because she is shaped by neoliberal ideologies, but because she is made up by techniques and tactics of an ‘after-neoliberal’ governmentality. This demonstrates the mutual constitution of ‘creative economy’ and ‘creative persons’ and underlines the fact that despite after-neoliberal ambitions for managing education, there can be no simple cause and effect relation between higher education and economic performance.