Thesis (DLitt)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / Full text to be digitised and attached to bibliographic record. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the morpho-syntactic and semantic properties, specifically tense and aspectual properties, of deficient verbs in Xitsonga. Various properties of deficient verbs have given rise to a distinction in verbal categories. Among these a range of features are explored in the study with the aim of establishing whether they playa significant role in relevant linguistic questions: The research on the deficient verb involves questions from three theoretical areas, namely Syntax, Morphology and Semantics. Deficient verbs in Xitsonga and related African languages are generally subcategorized for a clausal complement as illustrated in the following example: [a-hi-hamba [hi-rima laha]] [We-did-usually [plough here]] In the above sentence the deficient verb is hamba and it is followed by a compulsory clause as complement. The main properties of deficient verbs explored in this study relate to the following phenomena: • The deficient verb determines the selection of the mood in Inflection of the clausal complement. • The clausal complement of a deficient verb must have compulsory agreement of its subject with the subject of the matrix clause. • The deficient verbs lack the property which is characteristic of the autonomous verbs i.e. that they may be extended by derivative affixes such as the applicative or causative. • Deficient verbs have distinctive semantic features which are related to two inflectional categories, i.e. aspect and tense. This study concludes that the deficient verbs may express several meanings, including meanings related to duration, habitual, frequentative, progressive, obligative, manner, continuative, concessive and completive. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die sintaktiese en semantiese, in die besonder die tydvorm- en aspek-eienskappe van hulpwerkwoorde in Xitsonga. 'n Verskeidenheid kenmerke van hulpwerkwoorde het daartoe aanleiding gegee dat 'n onderskeid getref word ten opsigte van werkwoordkategorieë. Hieronder word 'n verskeidenheid kenmerke ondersoek ten einde vas te stelof dit 'n beduidende rol speel in relevante linguistiese vrae. Die navorsing van hierdie studie behels vrae vanuit drie teoretiese velde, naamlik die morfologie, sintaksis, en semantiek. Hulpwerkwoorde in Xitsonga en verwante Afrikatale word gesubkategoriseer vir 'n sinskomplement, soos geïllustreer in die volgende voorbeeld: [A-hi-hamba [hi-rima laha]] [Ons het gewoonlik [ons ploeg hier]], d.i. ons het gewoonlik hier geploeg In die bogenoemde sin is hamba die hulpwerkwoord en dit word gevolg deur 'n verpligte sinskomplement. Die sentrale kenmerke van hulpwerkwoorde wat in hierdie studie ondersoek word hou verband met die volgende verskynsels: • Die hulpwerkwoord bepaal die seleksie van modus in die Infleksie van die sinskomplement. • Die sinskomplement van 'n hulpwerkwoord moet verpligte kongruensie toon van die subjek daarvan met die subjek van die matriksin. • Die hulpwerkwoord kort die eienskap wat kenmerkend is van outonome werkwoorde, naamlik, dat hulle afleidingsuffikse kan neem, soos die applikatief -el- en die kousatief -is. • Hulpwerkwoorde het onderskeidende semantiese kenmerke wat verband hou met twee infleksie kategorieë, nl. aspek en tydvorm. Die studie kon tot die gevolgtrekking dat hulpwerkwoorde 'n verskeidenheid betekennis kan uitdruk, insluitende betekenisse wat verband hou met tydsduur, habitueel, frekwentatief, progressief, verpligting, wyse, voortdurendheid, toegewing en kompletief.

Dissertation (PhD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study deals with three interrelated types of information about sentences in Zulu, i.e. situation aspect or events, viewpoint aspect which includes i.a. the perfective and imperfective aspect and the contribution of the temporal location of a sentence focusing on the basic tenses. The semantic feature of temporal location has been integrated with the view of the two components in sentences i.e. aspectual situation type and viewpoint. Vendier's classification of aspectual classes formed a base from which the Zulu event structure has been discussed. The contribution of the two theories, i.e. the Two Component theory of Smith (1997) and the Event Structure of Pustejovsky (1995) which is situated within the Generative Lexicon theory of lexical semantics featured prominently in the analysis of events and states in Zulu. A conclusion has been reached that there are four situation types relevant to Zulu and distinguished from each other by different temporal features. These situation types feature basic-level and derived-level types (according to Smith (1997)). Three event types have been identified for Zulu, i.e. state, process and transition (according to Pustejovsky (1995)). Events are complex semantic objects resulting in an extended event structure. Event structure classification for Zulu is established with structured sub-event. These event structures are defined with respect to three different types of ordering relation between sub-event, i.e. temporally ordered subevents, simultaneous sub-event and temporal overlap. The event structure has been distinguished through event headedness which give rise to twelve possible constructions. The basic principles and the temporal structures underlying the Zulu tenses are viewed in relation to the moment of speech, time of the situation and the reference time in the structure of tenses as shown in the viewpoint of Reichenbach developed by Hornstein (1990). The role played by adverbs as modifiers of tense is highlighted. The behavior of bounded and unbounded sentences in relation to tense is mentioned. Regarding the expression of aspect in Zulu, a clear distinction has been established between perfective and imperfective in Zulu. The aspect appears as an inflectional category within syntax. These categories may have a maximal projection according to the X-bar theory. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie gee aandag aan drie onderling verbonde tipes inligting oor sinne in. Zulu, d.i. die situasie-aspek of die gebeure, gesigspunt-aspek wat, onder andere, die perfektiewe en imperfektiewe aspek insluit en die bydrae van die temporele lokasie van 'n sin, met die fokus op die basiese tye. Die semantiese verskynsel van temporele lokasie is geintegreer met die aanname van die twee komponente in sinne, d.i. aspektueie situasie tipe, en die gesigspunt. Vendier se klassifikasie van aspektueie klasse het die basis gevorm waarvan daan die Zulu gebeure struktuur bespreek is. Die bydrae van die twee teorië, d.i. die Twee Komponent teorie van Smith (1997) en die gebeurde struktuur van Pustejovsky (1995) wat binne die Generatiewe Leksikon teorie van leksikale semantiek geleis, is in die analise van gebeure en toestand gebruik. Daar is tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat daar vier situasietipes relevant tot Zulu is, en daar word tussen hulle deur middel van temporele verskynsels onderskei. Hierdie situasietipes beeld die basiese-vlak en die afgeleide-vlak tipes uit (volgens Smith (1997)) Drie tipes gebeure is vir Zulu geidentifiseer, d.i. toestand, proses, en oorgang (volgens Pustejovsky (1995)). Gebeure is kompleks semantiese voorwerpe wat tot uitgebreide gebeurde struktuur lei. Die gebeurde-struktuur se klassifikasie in Zulu is met gestruktureerde sub-gebeure gevestig. Hierdie gebeure-strukture is met betrekking tot drie verskillende tipes van verhouding ordening tusen sub-gebeure omskryf, d.i. temporeel geordende sub-gebeure, gelyktydige sub-gebeure en temporele oorslag. Die gebeure-struktuur is deur kemgebeure onderskei, wat aanleiding tot twaalf moontlike konstruksies gee. Die basiese beginsels en die temporele strukture onderliggend aan die Zulu tye word met betrekking tot die spraakmoment, tyd van die situasie, en die verwysingstyd in die struktuur van tye soos in Reichenbach se gesigspunt wat deur Hornstein (1990) ontwikkel, is, beskou. Die rol wat bywoorde as modifiseerders van tye speel, word na vore gebring. Die gedrag van gebonde en ongebonde sinne in verband met tyd word genoem. Betreffende die uitdrukking van aspek in Zulu is 'n besondere onderskeiding tussen die perfektief en imperfektief in Zulu gevestig. Die aspek kom as 'n infleksionêre kategorie binne sintaksis voor. Hierdie kategorie mag 'n maksimale projeksie volgens die x-bar teorie hê.

This Thesis addresses issues that lie at the intersection of two broad philosophical projects: inferentialism and contextualism. It discusses and defends an account of the logical concepts based on the following two ideas: 1) that the logical concepts are constituted by our canonical inferential usages of them; 2) that to grasp, or possess, a logical concept is to undertake an inferential commitment to the canonical consequences of the concept when deploying it in a linguistic practice. The account focuses on the concept of universal quantification, with respect to which it also defends the view that linguistic context contributes to an interpretation of instances of the concept by determining the scope of our commitments to the canonical consequences of the quantifier. The model that I offer for the concept of universal quantification relies on, and develops, three main ideas: 1) our understanding of the concept’s inferential role is one according to which the concept expresses full inferential generality; 2) what I refer to as the ‘domain model’ (the view that the universal quantifier always ranges over a domain of quantification, and that the specification of such a domain contributes to determine the proposition expressed by sentences in which the quantifier figures) is subject to a series of crucial difficulties, and should be abandoned; 3) we should regard the undertaking of an inferential commitment to the canonical consequences of the universal quantifier as a stable and objective presupposition of a universally quantified sentence expressing a determinate proposition in context. In the last chapter of the Thesis I sketch a proposal about how contextual quantifier restrictions should be understood, and articulate the main challenges that a commitment-theoretic story about the context-sensitivity of the universal quantifier faces.

published_or_final_version / English Studies / Master / Master of Arts

The purpose of this study is to propose a lexical analysis of inflection and cliticization in Spanish within the framework of Categorial Grammar, and to show how morphology and syntax interplay with one another in this language. I postulate that inflectional suffixes and clitics are syntactic expressions in their own right; inflectional suffixes are the instantiation of the grammatical relation, subject, whereas certain clitics, i.e. DAT and ACC clitics, are of the object. In this regard, inflection and cliticization can be conceived as functions from one set of syntactic expressions into another. I assume that inflectional suffixes and clitics are stored in the lexicon assigned to categories which specify their syntactic (and semantic) properties. These elements are combined to form complex expressions by two kinds of operations: (1) Function/argument application, and (2) Functional Composition. Three lexical rules are proposed in order to account for the distribution of the morphological properties at issue: (1) Inflection, (2) Cliticization, and (3) Complex Verb Formation. These rules make an explicit statement of what syntactic processes take place as morphologically complex expressions are formed. One consequence of my analysis is the redefinition of nominals commonly referred to as "subject NP" and "object NP" (doubled by a clitic) as elements which mark a referential contrast. This way, the formal variation as to the presence or absence of these nominals in Spanish sentences has a coherent explanation. Two rules of nominal adjunction are proposed in order to account for "clitic doubling" and "subject doubling". These two rules apply under certain conditions. With a lexical treatment of inflection and cliticization proposed, all the word formation processes in the Spanish language are now relegated to one single component, the lexicon. Morphology in Spanish, thus, has a clearly delineated domain of its own as an integral part of the lexicon. Furthermore, inflection and cliticization are morphological processes which, at the same time, construct syntactically complex expressions. This direct interplay between morphology and syntax is what uniquely characterizes the so-called "pro-drop" languages, of which Spanish is one, and distinguishes them from the "non-pro-drop" languages.

The phrasal verb is defined as a two-word idiom consisting of a verb and an adverbial or prepositional particle (such as put off for delay or come across for find or meet by chance). The increased use of such constructions in written and spoken modes of English has been noted by Kennedy 1920, Traugott 1972, Meyer 1975, and others. The categories of verb combinations that fall under the heading of phrasal verb are various. An analysis of the construction within grammars of English, from the seventeenth century Latinate grammars to the twentieth century linguistic treatments, reveals some inconsistencies in terminology and definition, posing a problem for ESL teachers and text writers. Most treatments of the structure concern surface form (such as Fraser 1976), but some recent analyses, particularly Woody 1974 and Lindner 1981, attempt to account for the semantics of the combination; however, these studies limit the category of phrasal verbs analyzed to verb + adverbial particle. Although the phrasal verb is an example of what Rutherford 1977 terms 'lexical grammar', a grammatical structure that must be taught together with a specific lexicon, an examination of the description of phrasal verbs within ESL grammars reveals a concentration on the syntactical patterning of the structure. Extensive listings of phrasal verbs (along with their meanings and appropriate use) are found mainly in dictionaries of idioms and two-word verbs (such as Meyer 1975, Cowie and Mackin 1976, Hall 1982, and Courtney 1983). This study suggests that ESL specialists consider both syntax and semantics when presenting and describing phrasal verbs and include what Rivers 1978 terms 'three levels of meaning': lexical, structural or grammatical, and socio-cultural. Because of the large number of phrasal verbs, a problem arises concerning which phrasal verbs should be presented formally in the ESL class. The study cites Larsen 1974, Dulay and Burt 1977, and Turano-Perkins 1979, who suggest that frequency of use should be a criterion in determining the order of grammatical structures to be taught. The study suggests that more research is needed in the area of frequency studies.

The purpose of this study is to contribute to the investigation of the semantics and syntax of Negative Words (N-words) in negative concord languages, with a focus on Spanish. An in-depth look into the syntactic behavior as well as into the meaning of terms such as nadie 'nobody', nada 'nothing', nunca 'never', etc., will provide some insight into the controversial nature of these words in the Romance languages as well as a better understanding of their peculiar pattern of distribution. On a larger picture, a thorough investigation of the semantics and syntax of these items will, in turn, contribute to a better understanding of the nature of negative polarity items in general. Thus, as I just anticipated, my conclusion is that N-words are in fact equivalent to negative polarity items, and that the phenomenon of negative concord, by which, in some languages, various negative items contribute only one semantic negation to a sentence, is a subcase of the crosslinguistic phenomenon of negative polarity licensing. In this respect, my analysis of N-words builds on the analyses of Bosque (1980) and Laka (1990). I base my conclusion that N-words are negative polarity items upon an extensive survey of comparative data coming from different Romance languages as well as from English, and I bring up new data and arguments supporting my view on the issue. In addition to arguing for the negative polarity nature of N-words, I also explore the extent to which syntactic operations are involved in the licensing of N-words, and I provide evidence showing that N-word licensing does not directly involve syntactic movement (contra most standard assumptions). Finally, in my investigation of the nature of N-words, I go beyond simply identifying them as negative polarity items. Specifically, I look deeply into the logicosemantic contribution of N-words, and I present arguments and data showing that N-words do not have either negative or any other kind of quantificational force. Rather, as I argue, they are better characterized as logicosemantic variables (in the sense of Kamp 1981 and Heim 1982.) In this regard, I depart from Bosque's (1980) and Laka's (1990) characterization of N-words. My view is more radical than theirs in that I do not just claim that N-words do not have inherent negative content, but also that they do not have any quantificational force of their own at all.

No description available.

Linguistic research suggests that speakers represent syllable structure by a CV-frame. CVC syllables are more frequent than VCC ones. Further, the presence of VCC syllables in a language asymmetrically implies the presence of CVC syllables. These typological facts may reflect grammatical constraints. Alternatively, people's preferences may be due solely to their sensitivity to the statistical properties of sound combinations in their language. I demonstrate that participants in an auditory lexical decision task reject VCC nonwords faster than CVC nonwords, suggesting that the marked VCC syllables are dispreferred relative to CVC syllables. In a second experiment, I show that people are also sensitive to the distribution of these frames in the experiment. Findings indicate that syllable structure is represented at the phonological level, that individuals have preferences for certain syllables, and that these preferences can not be accounted for by the statistical properties of the stimuli. / by Kayla Causey. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2008. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2008. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Orientador: Cristina Martins Fargetti / Banca: Gladis Massini-Cagliari / Banca: Angélica Terezinha Carmo Rodrigues / Banca: Mônica Veloso Borges / Banca: Angel H. Corbera Mori / Resumo: Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar a língua wauja em seus aspectos fonológicos e morfossintáticos. A língua wauja pertence à família linguística arawak e é falada por aproximadamente 410 pessoas que vivem na aldeia Piyulaga, localizada no Parque Indígena do Xingu, no Estado de Mato Grosso. No presente trabalho, há informações sobre o povo wauja, sua situação linguística, algumas considerações sobre a escola na aldeia e, também, uma explicitação do modelo teórico-metodológico utilizado para a coleta de dados em campo. A revisão bibliográfica aborda as primeiras notícias publicadas sobre os wauja, as listas de palavras, os estudos prévios e a filiação genética da família arawak. Na análise fonológica, foram descritos os segmentos consonantais, vocálicos, aproximantes, padrões silábicos, acento, nasalidade, processos morfofonológicos e, ainda, algumas considerações sobre as convenções ortográficas utilizadas na escola da aldeia. Em relação à morfologia, a tese descreve as seguintes categorias gramaticais: nomes, verbos, adjetivos, advérbios, pronomes, formas interrogativas e quantificadores. Na análise sintática, a tese apresenta os tipos de predicados, as sentenças declarativas, interrogativas, imperativas e as orações complexas, que por sua vez, dividem-se em coordenadas (conjuntivas, adversativas e disjuntivas) e subordinadas (orações complemento, relativas, adverbiais, temporais e causais). Esta tese, portanto, busca contribuir para a documentação, descrição e análise das línguas indígenas brasileiras, em especial, as línguas da família arawak / Abstract: The aim of this thesis is to analyse the phonological and morphosyntathic aspects of Wauja language. Wauja is part of the Arawak linguistic family and is spoken by approximately 410 people living in Piyulaga village, located in the Xingu Indigenous Park, state of Mato Grosso. This work presents information about Wauja people, their linguistic situation, some considerations on the school of the village, and a presentation of the theoreticalmethodological framework applied to the collecting of field data. The bibliographical review contains the first notes published about Wauja, word lists, early studies of the language, and the genetic affiliation of the Arawak family. In the phonological analysis it is described consonantal, vocalic and approximant segments, syllabic patterns, stress, nasality, morphophonological processes, and some considerations on the orthographical conventions used in the school of the village. Concerning the morphology, this thesis describes the following grammatical categories: nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, pronouns, interrogative forms and quantifiers. In the syntactical analysis, this dissertation presents the kinds of predicates, declarative, interrogative, and imperative sentences. It also presents complex sentences, which can be coordinate (conjunctive, adversative and disjunctive) and subordinated (complement, relative, adverbial, temporal and causal). This thesis therefore aims to contribute to the documentation, description and analysis of Brazilian indigenous languages, specially the languages of Arawak family / Doutor