Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:34:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana de Souza Ramacciotti.pdf: 1396567 bytes, checksum: c82efe40839e12a61522536d8a7d9288 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-18 / The present work examines the grammaticalization of verbs in a Brazilian Portuguese grammar (Nova Gramática do Português Brasileiro), written by Ataliba Teixeira de Castilho. The primary purpose is to verify whether there is grammaticalization of verbs and the second one is to describe its pathway. Grammaticalization is a language change process which turns lexical items into grammatical forms and grammaticalized forms into more grammaticalized ones. It is an interesting subject to be used by Elementaty and High School Portuguese teachers. The research is mainly based on the following researchers: Castilho (1977), Givón (1979), Hopper (1991), Hopper & Traugott (2009), Lehmann (2002), Martelotta (2011) e Martelotta, Votre & Cezario (1996) e Heine (2003). The grammaticalized verbs were analysed according to Lehmann´s parameters (1985) and Hopper´s principles of grammaticalization (1991). Castilho´s grammar has traced that the ser, estar, ter, haver, ir, querer, poder and dever Brazilian Portuguese verbs has undergone grammaticalization from full to auxiliary verbs. Grammaticalization process is also related to the foi fez construction / Esta dissertação tem como tema a gramaticalização de verbos na Nova Gramática do Português Brasileiro, de Ataliba Teixeira de Castilho, e, como dois objetivos, verificar se existem processos de gramaticalização de verbos no corpus selecionado e identificar a sua trajetória. Gramaticalização é, para a maioria dos estudiosos, a passagem de um item lexical a gramatical e, se gramatical, a mais gramatical ainda. Justifica-se o tema pelo fato de a gramaticalização ter sido muito estudada como processo de mudança linguística por pesquisadores que trabalham com a corrente funcionalista da linguagem e ser uma ferramenta preciosa para estimular a reflexão do professor de Português sobre quais gramáticas levar para a sala de aula. Como fundamentação teórica para o desenvolvimento deste trabalho, consideraram-se os autores Castilho (1977), Givón (1979), Hopper (1991), Hopper & Traugott (2009), Lehmann (2002), Martelotta (2011) e Martelotta, Votre & Cezario (1996) e Heine (2003), entre outros, e aplicaram-se os parâmetros de Lehmann (1985) e princípios de Hopper (1991) na análise dos dados, quando possível. Como resultados obtidos, constatou-se que a Nova Gramática do Português Brasileiro aborda a gramaticalização dos verbos ser, estar, ter, haver, ir, querer, poder e dever, além da construção foi fez. O percurso descrito para os verbos citados foi verbo pleno > verbo funcional > verbo auxiliante > verbo auxiliar

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:34:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Maria Ribeiro Dantas.pdf: 10620631 bytes, checksum: 35d42faeef12d4fe76dab2d5be4a0150 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-16 / Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo / This study is situated on the grammar of the Portuguese language with discursive-functional approach and is focused on the diversity of uses grammar morphemes, called our traditional grammarian "possessive pronouns adjectives." The study is justified because it had been found in the teaching of Portuguese language and Portuguese foreign language, a lack of studies that focus on description of rules underlying the semantic values in the different dimensions textual and discursive. Such studies are needed to solve problems presented by foreigners, and also Brazilian, in understanding the operation of "possessive pronouns adjectives" as arising from enunciate intentions. It is, moreover, because they have verified that there is no treatment discursive-functional language for "possessive" by traditional grammars, that situate the morphemes in the dimension of the sentence, from systemic rules in order not to consider the language in effective use. Thus, the general aim of this study is contributing to the studies that inter-related grammar and grammaticalization for the treatment of enunciativos phenomena of language. They are specific objectives: 1. to seek, in the history of the portuguese language, evidence of systemic grammar and grammaticalization of morphemes "possessive" from the semantic value of ownership and its modifications, 2. to examine in effective use of brazilian portuguese, relations between subject and progression semantics of text to the use of morphemes possessive in the text-product, 3. to deal the lexical choices and its relations with grammar morfossintaxe. The theoretical aspects are considered in the search for the Pragmática, the Critical Analysis of Discourse, the Traditional Grammar, the Functional Grammar to deal the dimensions textual communicative, textual discourse and processes of grammaticalization. The results indicate that: 1.em relation to morpheme possessive, synchronic at the same time, use forms together in the past with the present forms, 2. there are systemic grammatical rules that are applied in the construction textual-discursive, namely: Rule 1 - the nominalisation of the predicate and use of the possessive morpheme by subject; Rule 2 - the correlation of morpheme possessive noun by inflections of gender and number; Rule 3 to Serve as the morpheme possessive adjective, before the noun; Rule 4 - the morpheme possessive with function of the pronoun in order to replace the lexical sintagms. These rules allow understand the cause of tradicional brazilian grammar, post NGB, classify the possessive pronouns in adjectives / Esta dissertação está situada na área da gramática da Língua Portuguesa com abordagem discursivo-funcional e tem por tema a diversidade de usos dos morfemas gramaticais, designados por nossos gramáticos tradicionais pronomes adjetivos possessivos . O estudo se justifica em razão de se ter verificado, no ensino de português língua materna e português língua estrangeira, uma carência de estudos que privilegiam a descrição de regras subjacentes aos valores semânticos, nas diferentes dimensões textuais e discursivas. Tais estudos são necessários para resolver dificuldades apresentadas por estrangeiros, e também brasileiros, na compreensão do funcionamento dos pronomes adjetivos possessivos como decorrentes de intenções enunciativas. Justifica-se, ainda, por se ter verificado não haver um tratamento lingüístico discursivo-funcional para os possessivos pelas gramáticas tradicionais, que os situam na dimensão da frase, a partir de regras sistêmicas, de forma a não se considerar a língua em uso efetivo. Assim, o objetivo geral desta dissertação é contribuir com os estudos que inter-relacionam gramática e gramaticalização para o tratamento de fenômenos enunciativos da língua. São objetivos específicos: 1. buscar, na história da língua portuguesa, os indícios da gramática sistêmica e da gramaticalização dos morfemas possessivos , a partir do valor semântico da posse e suas modificações; 2. examinar, no uso efetivo do português brasileiro, as relações entre tema e progressão semântica do texto para o uso dos morfemas possessivos no texto-produto; 3. tratar das escolhas lexicais e suas relações com a morfossintaxe gramatical. Os aspectos teóricos considerados para a pesquisa são relativos à Pragmática, à Análise Crítica do Discurso, à Gramática Tradicional, à Gramática Funcional para tratar das dimensões textual-comunicativa e textual-discursiva e dos processos de gramaticalização. Os resultados obtidos indicam que: 1. em relação ao morfema possessivo, no mesmo momento sincrônico, convivem em uso formas do passado com formas do presente; 2. há regras gramaticais sistêmicas que são aplicadas na construção textual-discursiva, a saber: Regra 1 - a nominalização do predicado e o uso do morfema possessivo pelo sujeito; Regra 2 - a concordância do morfema possessivo como substantivo por flexões de gênero e número; Regra 3 - o morfema possessivo funciona como adjetivo, antecedendo o substantivo; Regra 4 - o morfema possessivo com a função de pronome de forma a substituir o sintagma nominal lexical. Tais regras permitem entender a causa dos gramáticos tradicionais brasileiros, pós NGB, classificarem os possessivos em pronomes adjetivos

Esta dissertação trata da variação no uso do pronome de segunda pessoa (singular e plural) na cidade de São Paulo. Duas formas alternativas são empregadas nessa comunidade de fala: a variante plena você(s) e a forma foneticamente reduzida cê(s). A pesquisa é desenvolvida de acordo com os pressupostos teórico-metodológicos da Sociolinguística Variacionista. Foram desenvolvidas análises sincrônica e diacrônica com dados extraídos de duas amostras (NURC-SP-1970 e GESOL-SP-2000). Os resultados evidenciam um equilíbrio na distribuição das duas variantes nessa comunidade de fala. Embora se verifique uma típica mudança em progresso (tempo aparente) na década de 1970, a análise dos anos 2000 revela um caso de variação estável na comunidade de fala. Nos anos 2000, a variante inovadora, a forma reduzida cê, tende a ser favorecida pelos informantes mais jovens e pelas mulheres acima de 50 anos de idade. Cê é desfavorecida entre os indivíduos de uma faixa etária intermediária (entre 35 e 45 anos) o que pode estar relacionado a questões de monitoramento da fala e ao mercado linguístico (Paiva & Duarte, 2003). Adicionalmente, cê tende a ser evitado entre os indivíduos mais escolarizados; e é favorecido em interações cujos informantes são familiares ou amigos. De um ponto de vista linguístico, o emprego das variantes é correlacionado pelo Princípio do Contorno Obrigatório e por questões morfossintáticas, semânticas e discursivo-cognitivas, com especial atenção à referência do pronome. Os resultados corroboram a hipótese de cliticização da variante reduzida, mas fornecem um contra-argumento à correlação direta entre erosão fonética e abstratização semântica, defendida na literatura sobre gramaticalização. / This master thesis analyzes the variation in the use of the second person pronoun (singular and plural) in the city of São Paulo. Two alternative forms are employed: você you, and a phonetically reduced form cê you. The research is developed according to the theoretical and methodological framework of Variationist Sociolinguistics. Both synchronic and diachronic multivariate analyses are pursued, with data extracted from two samples (NURC-SP-1970 and GESOL-SP-2000). The results show a balance in the distribution of the two variants in the speech community. Although it was observed a typical change in progress (apparent time) in the 1970s, the analysis of the 2000s data reveals a case of stable variation in the speech community. In the 2000s, the innovative, phonetically reduced variant tends to be favored by younger people and women over 50 years old. Cê is disfavored among individuals between 35 and 45 years which can be related to issues of speech monitoring and the linguistic market (Paiva & Duarte, 2003). In addition, cê tends to be avoided by those whose level of education is higher, and is favored in conversations between informants who are friends or relatives. From a linguistic perspective, the use of variants is correlated by the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) and by morphosyntactic, semantic and discursive-cognitive factors, with special attention to the reference of the pronoun. Results confirm the hypothesis of cliticization of the reduced variant, but reveal a counterargument for the direct correlation between \"phonetic erosion\" and \"semantic abstraction\", which has been claimed in the literature on grammaticalization

Cette thèse se propose d’étudier la grammaticalisation, processus d’évolution linguistique par lequel les éléments fonctionnels de la langue se trouvent remplacés au cours du temps par des mots ou des constructions de contenu, c’est-à-dire servant à désigner des entités plus concrètes. La grammaticalisation est donc un cas particulier de remplacement sémantique. Or, la langue faisant l’objet d’un consensus social bien établi, il semble que le changement sémantique s’effectue à contre-courant de la bonne efficacité de la communication ; pourtant, il est attesté dans toutes les langues, toutes les époques et, comme le montre la grammaticalisation, toutes les catégories linguistiques. Dans cette thèse, nous étudions d’abord le phénomène de grammaticalisation d’un point de vue empirique, en analysant les fréquences d’usage de plusieurs centaines de constructions du langage connaissant une ou plusieurs grammaticalisations au cours de l’histoire de la langue française. Ces profils de fréquence sont extraits de la base de données de Frantext, qui permet de couvrir une période de sept siècles. L’augmentation de fréquence en courbe en S concomitante du remplacement sémantique, attestée dans la littérature, est confirmée, mais aussi complétée par l’observation d’une période de latence, une stagnation de la fréquence d’usage de la construction alors même que celle-ci manifeste déjà son nouveau sens. Les distributions statistiques des observables décrivant ces deux phénomènes sont obtenues et quantifiées. Un modèle de marche aléatoire est ensuite proposé reproduisant ces deux phénomènes. La latence s'y trouve expliquée comme un phénomène critique, au voisinage d’une bifurcation point-col. Une extension de ce modèle articulant l’organisation du réseau sémantique et les formes possibles de l’évolution est ensuite discutée. / This work aims to study grammaticalization, the process by which the functional items of a language come to be replaced with time by content words or constructions, usually providing a more substantial meaning. Grammaticalization is therefore a particular type of semantic replacement. However, language emerges as a social consensus, so that it would seem that semantic change is at odds with the proper working of communication. Despite of this, the phenomenon is attested in all languages, at all times, and pervades all linguistic categories, as the very existence of grammaticalization shows. Why it would be so is somehow puzzling. In this thesis, we shall argue that the components on which lies the efficiency of linguistic communication are precisely those responsible for these semantic changes. To investigate this matter, we provide an empirical study of frequency profiles of a few hundreds of linguistic constructions undergoing one or several grammaticalizations throughout the French language history. These frequencies of use are extracted from the textual database Frantext, which covers a period of seven centuries. The S-shaped frequency rise co-occurring with semantic change, well attested in the existing literature, is confirmed. We moreover complement it by a latency part during which the frequency does not rise yet, though the construction is already used with its new meaning. The statistical distribution of the different observables related to these two phenomenal features are extracted. A random walk model is then proposed to account for this two-sided frequency pattern. The latency period appears as a critical phenomenon in the vicinity of a saddle-node bifurcation, and quantitatively matches its empirical counter-part. Finally, an extension of the model is sketched, in which the relationship between the structure of the semantic network and the outcome of the evolution could be discussed.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-10-17T17:37:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Lúcia dos Santos.pdf: 4135002 bytes, checksum: 20fbc148a9654beeefd67a5c7a0913f6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-17T17:37:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Lúcia dos Santos.pdf: 4135002 bytes, checksum: 20fbc148a9654beeefd67a5c7a0913f6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / variation of uses of ser and estar verbs by brazilian speakers. It presupposes that the systemic units of a language acquire new functions when they are used in interpersonal relationships. The problem arises from the different functions acquired by these verbs that are not covered by systemic grammar rules of the portuguese language. The main goal of this paper is contribute with brazilian portuguese gramatical studies, and the specific goals are: 1. Describing the use of ser and estar verbs in the lexical dimension; 2. Verifying the uses of ser and estar verbs in the propositional dimension; 3. Finding the distinct functions updated in the pragmatic-discursive dimension, on resemantization and grammaticalization in the use of these verbs. The background of this research is that systemic and traditional grammar descriptions are not able to explain the variations of ser and estar in the brazilian portuguese actual use. This research is founded on moderate current of linguistic functionalism, according to Givón (1993), to whom language structure is not separated from its function. The adopted methodological procedure is qualitative, and the corpus was collected in both, writing and oral brazilian speakers uses. The analyses were carried out from the three dimensions proposed by Givón (1993) – lexical, propositional and pragmatic-discursive. The results indicate that, in the lexical dimension, the choice between ser or estar made in the vocabular content complies with lexical system; in the propositional dimension, these verbs partake of personal or impersonal sentences, as lexical verbs or by giving these sentences the notions of spatial location, companion, time, mode, equanimity, possession or quality; in the propositional dimension, duo to communicative purposes of language users, these verbs are grammaticalizated, becoming copula and auxiliary verbs, and ressemantizated, i. e., they acquire new meanings and functions that differ from those from vocabular content. It means that it is impossible to refer to pragmatic-discursive dimension without considering propositional and lexical dimensions. This research opens up new prospects of ser and estar studies given the variety of uses of these verbs / Esta dissertação está situada na área da gramática de língua portuguesa e trata da variação de uso dos verbos ser e estar por falantes brasileiros. Tem-se por pressuposto que as unidades sistêmicas de uma língua adquirem novas funções quando efetivamente usadas nas relações interpessoais. O problema tratado decorre das diferentes funções adquiridas por esses verbos que não são previstas pelas regras gramaticais sistêmicas da língua portuguesa. O objetivo desta pesquisa é contribuir com os estudos gramaticais do português brasileiro, e os objetivos específicos são: 1. Descrever o uso dos verbos ser e estar na dimensão lexical; 2. Verificar os usos dos verbos ser e estar na dimensão proposicional; 3. Buscar as diferentes funções atualizadas na dimensão pragmático-discursiva, relativas à ressemantização e à gramaticalização, no uso dos referidos verbos. Justifica-se a pesquisa realizada, pois as descrições sistêmicas e as da gramática tradicional relativas aos verbos ser e estar não dão conta das variações desses verbos no uso efetivo do português brasileiro. A pesquisa realizada está fundamentada na vertente moderada do funcionalismo linguístico, segundo Givón (1993), para quem a estrutura da língua não está desvinculada de sua função. O procedimento metodológico adotado é qualitativo, e o material de análise foi coletado tanto no uso escrito, quanto no uso oral de falantes brasileiros. As análises foram realizadas a partir das três dimensões propostas por Givón (1993) – lexical, proposicional e pragmático-discursiva. Os resultados obtidos indicam que, na dimensão lexical, a escolha entre ser ou estar é feita no conteúdo vocabular e atende ao que é previsto no sistema lexical; na dimensão proposicional, esses verbos participam de orações, pessoais ou impessoais, como plenos ou exprimindo, dentro das proposições, as noções de localização espacial, companhia, tempo, modo, equanimidade, posse ou qualidade; e, na dimensão pragmático-discursiva, em virtude das intenções comunicativas dos usuários da língua, esses verbos sofrem gramaticalizações, tornando-se copulativos ou auxiliares, e ressemantizações, ou seja, adquirem novos sentidos e funções que diferem dos previstos inicialmente no conteúdo vocabular. Desse modo, entende-se que é impossível se fazer menção à dimensão pragmático-discursiva, concernente ao discurso, sem considerar as dimensões proposicional e lexical. A pesquisa realizada abre novas perspectivas de investigação dos verbos ser e estar a partir da variedade de ocorrências desses verbos

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:22:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-08-04Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:48:55Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 camara_al_me_sjrp.pdf: 374446 bytes, checksum: b176f9827b5e550f988678da04e528f1 (MD5) / O trabalho objetiva investigar e descrever o caráter multifuncional da partícula já no português brasileiro falado culto, enfatizando principalmente os níveis e camadas de análise da Gramática Funcional de Dik (1989) e da recente Gramática Funcional do Discurso (HENGEVELD, 1989 e 2004; HENGEVELD & MACKENZIE, no prelo). A hipótese principal é que há vários tipos de já que são distribuídos de acordo com características sintáticas, semânticas e pragmáticas em diferentes níveis e camadas de atuação gramatical. Um desses tipos é o aspectual que dispõe de características similares ao uso de already em inglês e que é analisado como marcador de aspecto inceptivo com diferentes funções semânticas no discurso de acordo com a proposta de Michaelis (1996) para a língua inglesa. A multifuncionalidade de já permite a investigação do item como possuindo características mais ou menos concretas, o que sugere estar envolvido um processo de gramaticalização. Nessa direção, faz-se necessária a aplicação (i) dos princípios gerais de Hopper (1991) e (ii) dos domínios cognitivos de Sweetser (1991), entre outros. Além disso, nossa definição de gramaticalização vai além da tradicional, segundo a qual a gramaticalização é um processo em que um item lexical assume características mais gramaticais, ou um item gramatical se torna ainda mais gramatical. Acrescenta-se aqui, de acordo com Traugott (1995), que, nesse processo, o item pode sofrer um acréscimo de características discursivas, o que leva a entender o Discurso como fazendo parte da gramática da língua. Essa opção teórica coincide com a proposta multifuncional adotada, uma vez que, na GFD, o Discurso constitui um dos níveis de análise dentro da gramática. A amostra lingüística de já foi extraída do córpus mínimo do Projeto Gramática do Português Falado, que advém de dados do Projeto NURC. / This study aims at investigating and describing the multifunctional character of the particle já in Standard Spoken Brazilian Portuguese. It mainly emphasizes the levels and layers of analysis from Dik's Functional Grammar (1989) and from the recent Functional Discourse Grammar (HENGEVELD, 1989 and 2004; HENGEVELD & MACKENZIE, forthc., in prep.). The main hypothesis is that there are several types of já which are distributed according to syntatic, semantic and pragmatic characteristics in different levels and layers of grammar. Among these types, there is the aspectual, which has characteristics similar to those of the use of already in English and which is analyzed as an inceptive aspect marker with different semantic functions in discourse according to Michaelis' proposal (1996) for the English language. The multifunctionality of já allows us to investigate this item as having more or less concrete characteristics, which suggests the involvement of a grammaticalization process. In this sense, it is necessary to apply: (i) the general principles (HOPPER, 1991) and (ii) the cognitive domains (SWEETSER, 1991), among others. Besides this, our definition of grammaticalization goes beyond the traditional definition, according to it, the grammaticalization is a process in which the lexical item assumes more grammatical characteristics, or a grammatical item becomes even more grammatical. In addition, according to Traugott (1995), the item in this process may show an increase of discursive characteristics, leading to an understanding of Discourse as part of the grammar of the language. This theoretical option is coherent with the multifunctional proposal addopted, since in FDG the Discourse is one of the levels of analysis in the grammar. The linguistic samples of já were taken from the minimum corpus of the Spoken Portuguese Grammar Project, which is built with data of the NURC Project.

Orientadores: Ataliba Teixeira de Castilho, Erotilde Goreti Pezatti / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-11T21:21:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Laura_FabioIzaltino_D.pdf: 1572658 bytes, checksum: df8ca09ce96a5ccd41709353797b10b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O propósito deste trabalho é investigar, a partir de amostras do português paulista dos séculos XVIII ao XX, as características dos marcadores de Tema, construções que tem o papel de orientar o ouvinte acerca dos tópicos do discurso. Para tanto, tomamos a Abordagem Multissistêmica como norte para a nossa pesquisa e definimos alguns objetivos. Dessa forma, verificamos na literatura sobre Tema alguns fundamentos teóricos com os quais pudéssemos trabalhar para analisarmos os marcadores de Tema. A partir disso, descrevemos o comportamento linguístico dos marcadores quanto a, sobre, a respeito de, a propósito de, relativamente a, no que toca a, passando a e voltando a, considerando alguns processos relacionados aos sistemas lexical, gramatical, semântico e discursivo desses marcadores. Os dados indicam que os marcadores, principalmente quanto a e sobre, já desenvolviam essa função no século XIII, o que evidencia a antiguidade do fenômeno. Além disso, mostramos a formação lexical dos marcadores por meio da etimologia e como algumas categorias cognitivas estão associadas à formação e ao sentido dos marcadores: quantidade, espaço superior, espaço posterior, espaço anterior, angulador e movimento. No sistema semântico, examinamos o envolvimento dos processos de Referenciação e de Apresentação na construção de Tema com marcação, salientando sua função de apresentar, ou introduzir, objetos de discurso que são ativados a partir de informações de longo prazo. Além disso, no sistema gramatical, por seu turno, verificamos que os marcadores de Tema são preposições complexas que selecionam várias classes de palavras, sobressaindo-se os substantivos e desenvolvem a função de marcador de Tema gramatical, além disso, as construções nas quais estes marcadores ocorrem tendem a se colocar na posição pré-sentencial e desempenham um papel não argumental de Adjunto. Por fim, no sistema discursivo, os marcadores funcionam no processo de construção e organização dos tópicos discursivos, introduzindo elementos textuais como tópico do discurso / Abstract: The aim of this dissertation is to investigate, based on samples of the Brazilian Portuguese spoken in São Paulo in the period between the 18th and the 20th centuries, the features of theme markers, i.e., linguistic structures that guide the listener with reference to the discourse topic. In order to reach this purpose, we adopted the Multisystemic Approach for language description (CASTILHO, 2007) and set some research objectives. A review of the linguistic literature about Theme was also realized, so that we could analyze the theme markers. Thereafter, we described the linguistic behavior of the markers quanto a, sobre, a respeito de, a propósito de, relativamente a, no que toca a, passando a, and voltando a, considering some linguistic processes related to the lexical, grammatical, semantic and discursive systems of these markers. The analysis of the data suggested, mainly with regard to quanto a and sobre, that these topic markers have already developed this function in the 18th century, what shows the antiquity of the phenomenon. Based on an etymological approach, we analyzed the lexical formation of the topic markers in analysis and discussed how some cognitive categories, such as quantity, superior space, posterior space, anterior space, hedge and movement, are associated with their formation and meaning. Regarding the semantic system, we examined the role played by the processes of Reference and Presentation in marked Theme constructions, emphasizing their function of presenting or in0troducing discourse topics that are activated by long-term informations. At the grammatical system, we observed that theme markers are complex prepositions that select several word classes (mainly the nouns) and that develop the function of grammatical theme marker. Furthermore, the constructions within which these markers occur usually occupy the pre-sentence position and play a non-argumental role of Adjunct. Lastly, at the discourse system, the markers work in the process of construction and organization of the discursive topics, introducing textual elements as discourse topic / Doutorado / Linguistica / Doutor em Linguística

Esta dissertação trata da variação no uso do pronome de segunda pessoa (singular e plural) na cidade de São Paulo. Duas formas alternativas são empregadas nessa comunidade de fala: a variante plena você(s) e a forma foneticamente reduzida cê(s). A pesquisa é desenvolvida de acordo com os pressupostos teórico-metodológicos da Sociolinguística Variacionista. Foram desenvolvidas análises sincrônica e diacrônica com dados extraídos de duas amostras (NURC-SP-1970 e GESOL-SP-2000). Os resultados evidenciam um equilíbrio na distribuição das duas variantes nessa comunidade de fala. Embora se verifique uma típica mudança em progresso (tempo aparente) na década de 1970, a análise dos anos 2000 revela um caso de variação estável na comunidade de fala. Nos anos 2000, a variante inovadora, a forma reduzida cê, tende a ser favorecida pelos informantes mais jovens e pelas mulheres acima de 50 anos de idade. Cê é desfavorecida entre os indivíduos de uma faixa etária intermediária (entre 35 e 45 anos) o que pode estar relacionado a questões de monitoramento da fala e ao mercado linguístico (Paiva & Duarte, 2003). Adicionalmente, cê tende a ser evitado entre os indivíduos mais escolarizados; e é favorecido em interações cujos informantes são familiares ou amigos. De um ponto de vista linguístico, o emprego das variantes é correlacionado pelo Princípio do Contorno Obrigatório e por questões morfossintáticas, semânticas e discursivo-cognitivas, com especial atenção à referência do pronome. Os resultados corroboram a hipótese de cliticização da variante reduzida, mas fornecem um contra-argumento à correlação direta entre erosão fonética e abstratização semântica, defendida na literatura sobre gramaticalização. / This master thesis analyzes the variation in the use of the second person pronoun (singular and plural) in the city of São Paulo. Two alternative forms are employed: você you, and a phonetically reduced form cê you. The research is developed according to the theoretical and methodological framework of Variationist Sociolinguistics. Both synchronic and diachronic multivariate analyses are pursued, with data extracted from two samples (NURC-SP-1970 and GESOL-SP-2000). The results show a balance in the distribution of the two variants in the speech community. Although it was observed a typical change in progress (apparent time) in the 1970s, the analysis of the 2000s data reveals a case of stable variation in the speech community. In the 2000s, the innovative, phonetically reduced variant tends to be favored by younger people and women over 50 years old. Cê is disfavored among individuals between 35 and 45 years which can be related to issues of speech monitoring and the linguistic market (Paiva & Duarte, 2003). In addition, cê tends to be avoided by those whose level of education is higher, and is favored in conversations between informants who are friends or relatives. From a linguistic perspective, the use of variants is correlated by the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) and by morphosyntactic, semantic and discursive-cognitive factors, with special attention to the reference of the pronoun. Results confirm the hypothesis of cliticization of the reduced variant, but reveal a counterargument for the direct correlation between \"phonetic erosion\" and \"semantic abstraction\", which has been claimed in the literature on grammaticalization

Early in the genesis of Mauritian Creole (MC), the quantificational determiners of its lexifier language, French, incorporated into a large number of the nouns that they combined with, resulting in the occurrence of bare nouns in argument positions, yielding (in)definite, singular, plural and generic interpretations. These early changes were accompanied by the loss all inflectional morphology, as well as the loss of the French copula, and that of the Case assigning prepositions à ('of') and de ('of') which are used in partitive and genitive constructions respectively. I argue that these changes triggered a parametric shift in noun denotation, from predicative in French to argumental in MC, and account for the fact that MC has a very different determiner system from its lexifier. My analysis is motivated by both Longobardi's (1994) claim that only DPs can be arguments, NPs cannot, and Chierchia's (1998b) seemingly incompatible claim that N can be an argument when it is Kind denoting. I provide detailed account of the emergence of the new MC determiners, from their first attestations in the early 18th century, to the end of the 19th century, when the determiner system settles into a form that is still used today. Following an analysis of the modern MC determiner system, I propose that MC nouns are lexically stored as argumental, Kind denoting terms, which share some of the distributional properties of English bare plurals, such as their ability to occur in argument positions without a determiner. The new quantificational determiners are analyzed as 'type shifting operators' that shift Kinds and predicate nominals into argumental noun phrases. The singular indefinite article enn and the plural marker bann assign existential quantification over instances of Kind denoting count nouns, and the null definite determiner is an operator that quantifies over the totality of a set. The differential behaviour of MC count vs. mass nouns is accounted for in terms of the Number argument which must be realized for common count nouns. Some seemingly 'bare' nouns comprise a phonologically null definite determiner equivalent to French le/la and English the. Subject-object asymmetry of count nouns in MC provides evidence for the occurrence of this null element which requires licensing in certain syntactic environments. The Specificity marker la, which serves to mark anaphoric definiteness, is shown to be a 'last resort' means of licensing the null definite determiner. My syntactic analysis is within Chomsky's (1995b) Minimalist framework and a Formal Semantics (Partee 1986), both of which stipulate legitimate operator variable constructions. The loss of the French quantificational determiners, and that of the copula meant that early MC lacked overt sources of quantification at both the nominal and clausal levels. In my analysis of the emerging MC determiner system, I look at the new sources of quantification that arise in order to establish the referential properties of nouns, and I show how these various strategies are linked to the means by which the semantic features of Definiteness, Deixis, Number and Specificity are expressed, and also the means by which the syntactic function of predication is realized.

This study investigates, theoretically and empirically, the role of animacy in the development of gender systems. The theoretical background is a grammaticalisation approach to language change. Concerning gender, this presupposes that classifications begin as semantic distinctions in the realm of animacy with flexible, contextually based agreement between the gender-marking elements. This kind of gender is called contextual gender. In the course of time, these classifications will spread into other areas, they become desemanticized and the agreement relation grammaticalizes into one of government where the inherent gender of the head noun controls the gender of the agreeing elements, irrespective of contextual factors When this leads to a great number of violations of the principles of contextual agreement in the realm of animacy, a new cycle of semantic classification will begin, creating layers of classifications. For German and Swedish two different layers are discerned respectively. The empirical starting point of this project was the observation of two opposite developments in the area of female person reference in Germany and Sweden. As a consequence of feminist critique of language, mainly targeted at the use of socalled masculine generics, in Germany the use of female gender-specific nouns increased substantially, the major means being female derivation with –in, so-called motion. Although similar means for female derivation exist in Swedish, i.e. -inna and -ska, the number of derivations used is decreasing. In order to isolate socio-cultural and historical facts from language-internal mechanisms behind the diverging tendencies, a historical sketch of the development of equal rights, of language criticism and of the development of the female suffixes is drawn for the respective countries. It is obvious, that the German strategy to achieve gender-fair language use is established by making women visible by means of motion, while in Sweden the use of gender-neutral forms for a long period of time has been regarded as a sign of equality. This ‘neutral’ use of former masculine and male-specific forms has been made possible by the merging of the two nominal genders masculine and feminine into uter (Sw. utrum). A contrastive study of comparable German and Swedish newspaper texts shows that the lack of motion in Swedish is partly compensated by composition and attribution with gender-specific lexemes. Still, the 64% gender-specific noun phrases in Swedish cannot compare with the 95% in German. But the use of gender-specific forms for well over half of the person references calls into doubt the general opinion shared by most Swedes that Swedish has a gender-neutral person reference system. Linguistic asymmetry persists as long as gender-specification is restricted to one half of the gendered population, whatever the means for specification. The almost exclusive use of gender-specific forms in German is seen as indicative of a grammaticalisation process. Haspelmaths invisible hand explanation of grammaticalisation is used to show how the development of -in in German fulfils just about every requirement on a grammaticalisation process – language-external as well as -internal – while -inna and -ska neither are promoted sufficiently by the speech community nor does there exist a paradigm that could accommodate them. In contrast to Swedish, where the suffixes remain strictly derivational, it is demonstrated that -in is turning into an inflectional marker. The German gender sub-system for person reference is developing into a semantically based system with genderflexible person denominations. A study of the pronouns agreeing with non-personal-agents in a parallel corpus of EU-documents shows that other aspects than purely referential or formal ones impinge on the choice of agreement forms. Non-personal-agents in certain contexts expose both agency and intentionality, which turns them into suitable agreement partners for animate pronouns. In Swedish, all animate pronouns are sexed, leaving a “Leerstelle” for these inanimate but agentive and intentional referents. In German, this problem is covered by the polysemy of the personal pronouns. Non-personal-agents are shown to be one possiblesource for the spreading of a linguistic innovation from the realm of animacy into inanimate contexts via semantic and thematic roles that share important features with animates proper. The last study makes use of different types of German monolingual corpora in order to investigate the agreement between inanimate nouns with female inherent gender – from non-personal-agents and abstracts to concrete nouns – and agent nouns which can potentially expose agreement by female derivation. Although the results are rather heterogeneous, they allow the formulation of the hypothesis that agreement is more likely to occur with nouns for which a metaphorical bridge to stereotypical conceptions of femininity can be constructed and that key collocations with high frequency such as die Kirche als Trägerin or die DNA als Trägerin der Erbinformation contribute significantly to the spread of the agreement pattern.