In order to determine how Britain’s governance and sovereignty have changed since 1950, I developed a historical case study tracing Britain’s political and economic integration into the E.U. starting from the early post-World War II governments through the end of the Thatcher administration. This study uses Historical Institutionalism, which seeks to explain how changes in governance and state sovereignty come about outside of state control, as a ‘testing’ theory to determine whether Britain’s governance and sovereignty have changed since 1950. The hypothesis of this case study is: Did the past decisions on E.C. integration, made by Britain’s government officials and policy-makers, have unintended consequences which caused Britain to become dependent on or locked into paths which led to losses in British state sovereignty? This study concluded that ‘unintended consequences’ and ‘path dependencies’ were important factors in Britain’s integration into the E.U. However, I found a number of antecedent conditions such as Britain’s status as a weakening nation-state, its insecurities in an economically interdependent world, deteriorating trade relations with iii the Commonwealth and the misperceived status as an equal partner with the U.S. that should also be taken into account in providing a comprehensive explanation. Finally, this study found that ‘unintended consequences’ and ‘path dependencies’ did not lead to a loss of sovereignty for Britain. This case study embraces a nontraditional concept of sovereignty which defines it as constantly changing and which does not have to be linked to its territory. This new definition allows for Britain to lose sovereignty in traditional ways (domestic) and gain it in unconventional areas (E.U.). Therefore, I have determined that Britain’s sovereignty and governance have changed rather than been mistakenly ‘given away’.

In this dissertation I advance a new, regime style, governing cycle theory to account for the constitutional origins and political dynamics of new majority formation. It is these periodic attempts to reorder politics and overcome conditions of entropy that I argue best account for the broad contours of American political development. Using a historical institutional approach, I argue that the U.S. Constitution’s durable separation of powers design interacts with America’s two party system to unintentionally structure political conflict in ways that makes it almost impossible for anyone to address the inevitable build up of entropy in the political system. Recurrently, this challenges partisan leaders to renew politics via the formation of a new governing majority. Partisan leaders accomplish this goal by completing three tasks: 1) shifting the main axis of partisan conflict; 2) assembling a new majority coalition that allows for effective control of federal governing institutions; and, 3) locking-in partisan priorities and advantage through institutionalization of a new governing regime. Through case study analysis, I demonstrate that the dynamics of new governing majority formation can play out in either a straightforward or a protracted manner depending on whether or not partisan leaders initially succeed or fail to accomplish these tasks. This leads to new interpretations of the crucial “System of 1896” and “Reagan Revolution” cases, which allows me to argue for the superiority of my new cyclical theory and to conclude that the governing cycle contains the American polity’s best opportunity to reorder and revitalize itself. / text

A case study of the first 35 years, 1945 to 1980, of the Swedish nuclear institution. The purpose is to discover which actors that have shaped the Swedish nuclear institution. By using the theories of historical institutionalism and advocacy coalition framework I have analyzed these 35 years in three separate parts. Historical institutionalism puts emphasis on the creation of an institution, and so have I. The creation phase goes from 1945 to 1972. The following two parts are critical junctures that spans the years 1973-1978 and 1978-1980. The first critical juncture deals with the Centre Party's reversal in their opinion on nuclear power, the 1976 election and the outcome of that election. The third juncture starts with the Harrisburg accident and ends after the 1980 referendum. Using the advocacy coalition framework to analyze the actions or actors and coalitions during these three phases, I have come to the conclusion that the industry actors, those that have built the reactors, have been the most successful in pushing their coalition's agendas, over the years. Their influence was considerable during the years of institutional creation, while the coalitions that opposed nuclear power were quite weak during this time frame, which is consistent with historical institutionalism's focus on the creation, and path dependence.

No description available.

This dissertation deals with how national higher education policy affects stakeholder influence in practice, i.e. how two selected higher education institutions, the University of Oslo and Telemark University College, have interpreted and adapted to national policy reforms. The aim of this dissertation is threefold. First, four stakeholder regimes: the expert, welfare, bargaining and entrepreneurial regimes, are developed. Second, these stakeholder regimes are used to investigate the evolvement of norms and structures for stakeholder influence over time, i.e. approximately 40 years, at the University of Oslo and Telemark University College, respectively. Third, historical institutionalism is used at an organisational level in order to reveal the evolvement of continuity and change in stakeholder influence at these two institutions. This dissertation argues that the two higher education institutions have both undergone an evolvement of stakeholder influence in three phases where the two first phases have paved the way for the ultimately dominant characteristics of the entrepreneurial regime. At the same time, the analysis shows that the initial institutional legacies of the University of Oslo and Telemark University College differed. The University of Oslo had an established institutional legacy where the professors had the most influence, whereas the participation of other internal stakeholder groups became part of the legacy during the 1970s. Recently, ideas of strong leadership have been added to the legacy. In contrast, the institutional legacy of Telemark University College was based on cooperation with external stakeholders already from the outset of the period studied here. On a general level, this dissertation argues that policy is more likely to change practice if the changes are incremental and introduced as layering modes of change on the structural aspects of the regime models. Along with these incremental changes – where the University of Oslo and Telemark University College become more alike in several aspects – both higher education institutions display a number of continuous practices; cooperation with external stakeholders is one example which can be traced back to the early stage of this study. However, Telemark University College initially opened up more to the outside world than the University of Oslo.

The EU is assumed to have a strong top-down transformative power over the states applying for membership. But despite intensive research on the EU membership conditionality, the transformative power of the EU in itself has been left curiously understudied. This thesis seeks to change that, and suggests a model based on relational power to analyse and understand how the transformative power is seemingly weaker in the Western Balkans than in Central and Eastern Europe. This thesis shows that the transformative power of the EU is not static but changes over time, based on the relationship between the EU and the applicant states, rather than on power resources. This relationship is affected by a number of factors derived from both the EU itself and on factors in the applicant states. As the relationship changes over time, countries and even issues, the transformative power changes with it. The EU is caught in a path dependent like pattern, defined by both previous commitments and the built up foreign policy role as a normative power, and on the nature of the decision making procedures. This path dependent pattern prevents the EU from actively using its strongest tools when trying to influence and steer the applicant states regarding reforms and norm transfer, effectively weakening the transformative power. Evidence from elections in Albania and Macedonia show how the domestic electoral stakeholders actively can resist, and even prune, important norms and laws, on best electoral practice, a key feature for the democratic structures required for EU membership. It is also apparent how there are few domestic change agent strong enough to actively promote normative changes, leaving much of the work for the EU. The clientelistic structures of these countries are a key aspect in shaping interests and actions of the political elite. The result is that layers of old and new institutions are created, producing the mixed pattern of reforms observed all over the Western Balkans. By combining the findings at both the EU level and in the applicant states, this thesis makes both important empirical and theoretical contributions, challenging some core aspects of the Europeanisation literature.

Submitted by Viviane Lima da Cunha (viviane@biblioteca.ufpb.br) on 2018-01-31T14:42:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1368921 bytes, checksum: 6518c991d7408a9b0b9bb13d263b1346 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-31T14:42:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1368921 bytes, checksum: 6518c991d7408a9b0b9bb13d263b1346 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / In this study, the general objective, we seek to investigate whether there is, and how it is constructed different conceptions of 'regulation' within the framework of public policy and government management between the governments of Presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso - FHC (1995-2002) and Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva - Lula (2003-2010). In order to do so, we conducted an investigation on the functioning of the National Telecommunications Agency (ANATEL) during the two governments. The quest to understand the development of the Brazilian telecommunications regulatory policy in the FHC government, and their (dis)continuity in the Lula government, are critical in the development of this research. In addition, it aimed to understand whether the regulation of telecommunications is promoted by the State in order to stimulate competition in the market and to identify how this process occurs. Thus, based on the analysis of the law and the the main policy agents within this sector in Brazil, we seek to understand how they act, what are their main interests, conflicts and projects, and finally, try to identify the elements that help to understand the relationship between Anatel (a decentralized state agency) and the Federal Government (as a transitional agent in the state). / Neste trabalho, como objetivo geral, buscamos investigar se há, como se constroem e como se efetivam concepções distintas de “regulação” no âmbito das políticas públicas e da gestão governamental entre os governos dos presidentes Fernando Henrique Cardoso – FHC (1995-2002) e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva – Lula (2003-2010). Para tanto, procedemos a uma investigação acerca do funcionamento da Agência Nacional de Telecomunicações (Anatel) no período histórico correspondente aos dois governos. A busca pela compreensão acerca do desenvolvimento da política de regulação das telecomunicações brasileiras no governo FHC e suas (des)continuidades no governo Lula foi fundamental para a elaboração desta pesquisa. Além disso, objetivamos verificar se a regulação de telecomunicações é promovida pelo Estado a fim de estimular a competição nos mercados, bem como verificar como esse processo ocorre. Desse modo, tendo como suporte o aparato legal estabelecido e a identificação dos principais agentes definidores das políticas desse setor no Brasil, intentamos compreender como agem esses agentes e quais são os seus principais interesses, conflitos e projetos. Por fim, buscamos elementos que auxiliaram a compreensão da relação existente entre a Anatel (órgão estatal descentralizado) e o Governo Federal (como agente transitório no Estado).

While political parties in Europe are incredibly adaptable organizations, they have varied in the extent to which they are able to adapt to social and political transformations. I explain parties' adaptability in two steps. 1) Adaptability depends on factionalism in a nonlinear way. Giving too much room and no room at all to factions undermines a party's ability to adapt. 2) Factionalism depends on early organizational characteristics. The more centralized the initially introduced leadership selection process is, the more party elites will be incentivized to form factions. This argument applies to political parties that allow for internal competition and elect their leaders according to formal rules. I use statistical tools, a medium- and small-N analysis and systematic process tracing to test my framework against competing explanations. I focus on Christian democracy to use a most-similar system design. The main empirical part of the thesis relies on a structured focused comparison of the Italian DC, Austrian ÖVP and German CDU. It is guided by a nested analysis and builds on a large amount of primary data which has not been analyzed before. I test my theory on the additional cases of the Portuguese, Dutch and Luxembourgian Christian Democrats and the French MRP. My main finding is that early organizational choices matter. The initial form the leadership selection process takes has a decisive impact on the incentives of intra-party actors to form factions. The initial level of factionalism becomes deeply entrenched in the party's organization and internal code of practice. This explains why party elites are unlikely to change it when they realize that their party's level of factionalism undermines its adaptability. Moving beyond the focus of path dependence on a single level has thus important implications for the literature on party politics, factionalism, party organizations and institutional development.

Realizing the limitations of economic theories in explaining corporate governance practices, this thesis adopts an institutional approach in its attempt to understand how such issues are shaped by larger institutional contexts. Malaysia is used as a case study; and accordingly the influence of a dominant institution of Bumiputera (sons of the soil) on corporate governance practices is investigated. The thesis focuses on the emergence, institutionalization impact, and change of the Bumiputera institution; and how corporate governance practices are influenced in each stage. As a lens for analysis, this thesis integrates sociological and historical paradigms of the new institutionalisms, and extends Beckert’s (2010) framework to include the role of power as advanced by Steven Lukes (1974, 2005). This extended framework is useful in explaining how the reciprocal influence of the Bumiputera institution, social networks, cognition, and power affect the behaviour of corporate governance actors. The analysis shows that, following the commitment by the state towards Bumiputera, the Malays’ equity ownership has seen a progressive increase, although it failed to meet the specified target of 30%. Malays’ representation on corporate boards also increased. The commitment has also led to a strong state presence in the economy, through its involvement in the Government Linked Companies, established to pursue Bumiputera’s objectives. However, unintended consequences have arisen affecting both ownership and appointment. The analysis also shows that, while board appointment is largely based on social networks, the existence of the Bumiputera institution means that ethnicity matters. Appointment could be for political or legitimacy reasons. Heightened by liberalisation moves, both Bumiputera and corporate governance institutions are subject to change. However, this refers only to the regulative aspects of the institutions, which are more susceptible to change compared to their informal elements. The state’s commitment towards Bumiputera remains. This study contributes to corporate governance literature by providing evidence on how corporate governance institutions are influenced by the larger social-political and institutional context vis-à-vis the emerging economy. This study shows that: firstly, corporate governance practices are shaped by history and political contexts; hence, understanding history would enhance the understanding of corporate governance. Secondly, ownership structure and the board of directors are not just mechanisms of corporate governance; rather, they are also channels through which larger objectives, including social objectives, are being pursued. Finally, this institution of corporate governance is not driven by functional needs of capital providers, but is shaped by powerful actors. Corporate governance practices are not intended just for resolving a particular agency problem, but are a mode of response to a particular historical incident that developed in postcolonial Malaysia.

The two decades preceding the global financial crisis of 2008 saw an increase in international migration flows. This development was accompanied by the relaxation of immigration entry controls for select categories of foreign workers across the developed world. The scale of labour immigration, and the categories of foreign workers granted entry, varied considerably across states. To some extent, these developments transcended the traditional classifications of comparative immigration politics. This thesis examines the reform process in two states with contrasting policy legacies that adopted liberal labour immigration selection and control policies during the abovementioned period. The instrumental role that immigration has played in the process of nation-building in Australia has led it to be classified as a 'traditional destination state' with a positive immigration policy legacy. By contrast, immigration has not been significant in the formation of national identity in the United Kingdom. It has a more negative immigration policy legacy and is generally regarded as a 'reluctant state'. Examining the reasons for liberal shifts in labour immigration policy in two states with different immigration politics allows insights to be gained into the processes of policy-making and the dynamics that underpin it. In Australia, labour immigration controls were relaxed incrementally and through a deliberative process. Reform was justified on the grounds that it fulfilled economic needs and objectives, and was consistent with an accepted definition of the national interest. In the UK, liberal shifts in labour immigration policy were the incidental consequence of the pursuit of objectives in other policy areas. Reform was implemented unilaterally, and in an uncoordinated manner characterised by an absence of consultation. The contrast in the manner in which reform was managed by the various actors, institutions and stakeholders involved in the process both reflected, and served to reinforce, the immigration policy legacies of the two states. Moreover, the Howard government used Australia's positive legacy to construct a coherent narrative to justify the implementation of liberal reform. This generated greater immediate and lasting support for its reforms among stakeholders and the broader community. By contrast, lacking a similarly positive legacy, the Blair government in the UK found it difficult to create such a narrative, which contributed to the unpopularity of its reforms. This thesis therefore argues that policy legacies had a significant impact on the processes and dynamics that shaped labour immigration selection and control decisions during the recent wave of international migration. The cases demonstrate that a nation's past immigration policy experiences shape its policy-making structures, as well as institutional and stakeholder policy preferences, which are core constituent components of a nation's immigration politics. The UK case shows that even when reluctant states implement liberal labour immigration policies, these characteristics tend to create feedback effects that make it difficult for reform to be durable. The relationship between immigration policy and politics thus becomes self-reinforcing. But this does not necessarily mean that states' immigration politics are rigid, since the institutions that help to make a nation's immigration policy and shape its politics will inevitably undergo a process of adaptation in response to changing contexts.