Denna uppsats handlar om två opinionsbildare, Torgny Segerstedt och Torsten Fogelqvist och deras religiösa och politiska åsikter. Genom att göra en komprativ undersökning  försökte uppsatsen ge en så täckande bild som möjligt om vilken utstäckning Segerstedt och Fogelqvist tolkade facismen och nazismen som religiösa fenomen. Syftet med uppsatsen, förutom att försöka ge en täckande bild av deras tolkning av fascismen och nazismen som religilös fenomen, är att framlägga är hur deras religiösa bakgrund påverkade deras politiska uppfattning. Avgränsningen i uppsatsen har gjorts med hänsyn till tidsperiod och källmaterial. Tidsperioden är i stort från deras barndom till andra världskrigets slut. Och källmaterialet består av artikelsamlingar som har utgivits i bokform, sedan biografier och egna skrivna verk som används till uppsatsen. Metoden som används i uppsatsen är en komparativ undersökning mellan Segerstedt och Fogelqvist. Uppsatsen avser att analysera och få fram deras uppfattning särskilt när det gäller deras kristna perspektiv. Resultatet över undersökningsperioden var både Segerstedt och Fogelqvist med sina liknande bakgrunder och uppväxter påverkade av sina religiösa bakgrunder i sina texter och skrifter, fast på två olika sätt. Segerstedt skrev med och om bibliska uttryck samtidigt som han hämtade inspiration från sin religion, medan den andra opinionsbildaren Fogelqvist valde ett tema att skriva och det blev om religionen eller kulturer som han fick observera med tanke på sin religiösa bakgrund.

<p>The 19th century is often described as a period when sexual differences were strongly accentuated in medical interpretations. While this is not an inaccurate description, it is in need of greater nuance. For one thing, notions of the male are usually forgotten in the process. As the female body by the shift to the 18th hundreds, to a greater extent than before, became associated with reproduction and biological constraints of various kinds, representations of the male body also changed. According to medical texts published in Sweden in the 19th century, men’s blood, bones, breath and digestion bore witness to their "freedom" from a forced sexual body. Physically, the male constituted an abstract, cultivated and highly differentiated individual, focused on his own development and wellbeing. The male body was described as clearly fit for public and political life, which legitimized male claims to a monopoly on power as well as the doctrine of "the separate spheres" in 19th century bourgeois society. </p><p>But there is more to this story. A closer examination of more limited discussions in medical texts and advice literature reveal that representations of the male and female body were remarkably unstable and marked by tensions and contradictions. During the Romantic era of medicine in Sweden during the 1830’s and 40’s, the way sex and individuality in the body were valued were totally different from the description above. Reproduction and physical desires were characteristic, according to a number of medical men, of highly developed creatures, connected to God, society, and culture, whereas sexless species, immature children and "lower" peoples were seen as materialistic and focused only on their own individual development. Discussions regarding female puberty and single men further reveal the unstable polarization between sex and individuality as well as culturally constructed differences, not only between men and women, but also between classes, age groups, single and married persons, cultivated and non-cultivated peoples. Notions about nature/culture, tradition/progress, female/male, sex/individuality were not organized into stable dichotomies—rather they constituted an unstable body of representations. </p>

The 19th century is often described as a period when sexual differences were strongly accentuated in medical interpretations. While this is not an inaccurate description, it is in need of greater nuance. For one thing, notions of the male are usually forgotten in the process. As the female body by the shift to the 18th hundreds, to a greater extent than before, became associated with reproduction and biological constraints of various kinds, representations of the male body also changed. According to medical texts published in Sweden in the 19th century, men’s blood, bones, breath and digestion bore witness to their "freedom" from a forced sexual body. Physically, the male constituted an abstract, cultivated and highly differentiated individual, focused on his own development and wellbeing. The male body was described as clearly fit for public and political life, which legitimized male claims to a monopoly on power as well as the doctrine of "the separate spheres" in 19th century bourgeois society. But there is more to this story. A closer examination of more limited discussions in medical texts and advice literature reveal that representations of the male and female body were remarkably unstable and marked by tensions and contradictions. During the Romantic era of medicine in Sweden during the 1830’s and 40’s, the way sex and individuality in the body were valued were totally different from the description above. Reproduction and physical desires were characteristic, according to a number of medical men, of highly developed creatures, connected to God, society, and culture, whereas sexless species, immature children and "lower" peoples were seen as materialistic and focused only on their own individual development. Discussions regarding female puberty and single men further reveal the unstable polarization between sex and individuality as well as culturally constructed differences, not only between men and women, but also between classes, age groups, single and married persons, cultivated and non-cultivated peoples. Notions about nature/culture, tradition/progress, female/male, sex/individuality were not organized into stable dichotomies—rather they constituted an unstable body of representations.

<p>At the turn of the century 18/1900 Swedish law looked upon young people as being adults at about the age of 15. At 15, the young person had left school, had his first employment and provided for himself and also had been confirmed to full membership of the Swedish State Church. Thus he was to be considered an adult and responsible for his actions. Parents, society/school and Church had done what was expected of them and now it was up to the 15-years old to live according to the laws and to be punished if the laws were broken. Over the following hundred years, at the time of the millennium, Swedish society changed a lot. So the laws did not and still a young person of 15 is considered an adult in the eye of the Swedish law. This paper looks upon the ideas that the law was based on at the turn of the century 18/1900 and the ideas that are put forward by Swedish courts today. The law has not changed, but today Swedish young people leave school between the ages of 19-25, and find their first employment even later. The paper gives the historical background and looks at the underlying ideas of adulthood. How people think and what is considered being important in defining aduldthood has not changed much over those hundred years. In deciding if a person could pass as an adult, the Swedish law still use the same premisses today as it did a hundred years ago. As these premissies and ideas are the same, though society has changed, you can’t today be considered an adult until in your twenties.</p>

<p>This paper concerns the ideas on society, policies and economic thoughts on Ireland before the cataclysmal famine of the 1840s. Senior, classified as one of the classical economists, elaborated these in the period 1829 – 1836, thus during the period of Parliamentary reform. As a trusted counsellor of the Whig governments, Senior advocated measures opposite to the common notions of laissez-faire. His basic ideas are contrasted to those of Malthus concerning economics and, in particular, the population doctrine that Senior never believed in and in its crudest form refuted. Senior regarded Malthus’ doctrine as devastating to governmental policies. Senior wanted an efficient and strong government. Moreover, Senior evolved ideas, in fact a strategy, for raising Ireland out of her common destitution instead of institutionalizing poor laws. This strategy embraced Catholic emancipation, education, public investments in infrastructure and emigration. His ideas, and proposals akin to Senior’s, are related to the political discourse of the day, which took a more common view of laissez-faire during the period considered. Nevertheless, there is consistency in his ideas on government, public investments and laissez-faire. Senior cannot be described as anything other than an early liberal and a classical economist and, hence, an advocator of economic laissez-faire. This paper underlines the need for a clear distinction between economic laissez-faire as a concept and the concept of political laissez-faire, whereas the former concerns thoughts on economics and the latter is related to the notion of the impassivity of the period of today’s discourse.</p>

<p>This thesis examines the Swedish political response to the challenges posed by gene technology, seen through the prism of governmental commissions. It discerns and analyses continuities and changes in the Swedish political conception of gene technology, over the course of two decades, 1980–2000. This is done by thematically following ideas of “risks” and “ethics” as they are represented in the inner workings and reception of three governmental commissions. The Gene-Ethics Commission (1981–1984), the Gene Technology Commission (1990–1992) and the Biotechnology Commission (1997–2000) form the empirical focal points of this analysis. The first two provided preparatory policy proposals that preceded the implementation of the Swedish gene technology laws of 1991 and 1994. The last one aimed at presenting a comprehensive Swedish biotechnology policy for the new millennium.</p><p> The study takes into account the role of governmental commissions as arenas where science and politics intersect in Swedish political life, and illuminates how this type of “boundary organisation”, placed on the border of science and politics, impinges on the understanding of the gene technology issue. The commissions have looked into the limits, dangers, possibilities and future applications of gene technology. They have been appointed to deal with the problematic task of distinguishing between what is routine and untested practices, realistic prediction and “science fiction”, what are unique problems and what are problems substantially similar to older ones, what constitutes a responsible approach as opposed to misconduct and what it means to let things “get out of hand” in contrast to being “in control”. Throughout a period of twenty years, media reports have continued to frame the challenges posed by gene technology as a task of balancing risks and benefits, walking the fine line between “frankenfoods” and “miracle drugs”. </p><p>One salient problem for the commissions to solve was that science and industry seemed to promote a technology the public opposed and resisted, at least in parts. For both politics and science to gain, or regain, public trust it needed to demonstrate that risks – be it environmental, ethical or health related ones – were under control. Under the surface, it was much more complicated than “science helping politics” to make informed and rational decisions on how to formulate a regulatory policy. Could experts be trusted to participate in policy-making in a neutral way and was it not important, in accordance with democratic norms, to involve the public? </p>

<p>The purpose of this essay is to try and bring clarity to the question, what is Chick Lit and which factors make it so popular. My thesis  endeavors to explain that it is not only the promise of light entertainment that draws the reader, but also the possibility that in an easy way they can read about existential questions such as self-development  and life -choices.</p><p>As well as mapping out Chick Lit´s specific characteristics, followed by previous research on the subject and the litterateur’s history, I have found it interesting to discuss the female characters, their personalities and life choice’s against a backdrop of existentialistic philosophy.</p><p>In my research of this form of literateur I have discovered that chick lit often deals with existential universal problems, and that in order to be entertaining these books must contain a serious element.</p>

<p>Based on 30 years of work experience in TV and film production, I have made a phenomenological analysis of my perception of meaning in work - how it arises and how it is undermined. The story starts in my experience of early professional film making in the 1980's and describes how a change to work in TV production required the development of a new professional identity. </p><p>The text also illustrates how as a female director I have managed my role in a male dominated and structured work environment. Being defined as an exception from the male norm has pushed me towards femininist reflection and the need to redefine my own work role - the generally accepted view having felt uncomfortable. </p><p>An analysis of structural change in TV and film production shows how market pressures and ways of thought have increasingly invaded cultural endeavour. Professional spheres of influence are weakened, while developments in the media are characterised by a commercialism which encroaches more and more upon artistic, spiritual and moral values. This attitude, where quality is in retreat, has transformedprogramme makers from creative originators into becoming suppliers of raw material in a factory- like process geared to produce great volume at low cost.</p><p>The aim of this essay is to show how changes in society and in TV and film making have affected my perception of my work. Structural transformation in the media has circumscribed the scope for creative play as an important source of energy and inspiration in work and it has eroded my feeling that work is personally meaningful.</p><p> </p>

<p>Knut Wicksell var en briljant ekonom som främst visade på nya tillämpningar på andras ekonomiska teorier. Med min uppsats visar jag på en koppling mellan utilitarismen och nymalthusianismen, teorier som Wicksell var en stor anhängare av, som resulterar i en ekonomisk teori som går att koppla till det som den franske filosofen och idéhistorikern Michel Foucault kallar biopolitik. Statens roll bör enligt Wicksell vara att förädla individerna; att genom politiska åtgärder förbättra de enskilda individernas livskvalitet samt deras kvalité som producerande samhällsmedborgare.</p><p>På ett praktiskt plan handlar det om att medvetandegöra individernas möjlighet till kapitalbildning och därmed ge de möjligheter att lyfta sig själv upp ur fattigdom och misär. Vägen går genom kunskap och barnbegränsning; dessa två faktorer ger individen ett större värde inom samhället eftersom han inte lika lätt går att byta ut samtidigt som det ger staten en tydlig och viktig uppgift; staten ska skydda befolkningen från smärta och orätt. Dessa syften för stat och medborgare leder, tillsammans med en ökad kunskap, till kapitalutjämning inom samhället. Men enligt Wicksell är det viktigt att denna kapitalutjämning ska ske genom att individens arbete ger honom en rättmätig del av kapitalbildningen, något som staten bör garantera, men inte genom att man i onödan dränerar rika med hjälp av skatter på kapital, gåvor och arv.</p>

<p>Sahlinaffären blev ett hinder på Mona Sahlins väg till statsministerposten. Efter det mediedrev somdrogs i gång av kvällstidningarna sällade sig ett antal feminister till Sahlins försvar. Det är dessaförsvarstal och de svar på dessa inlägg som är analysmaterialet. Frågan som jag vill ställa är: vilkamodeller lägger företrädare för feminismen fram för att förklara Sahlins misstag samt hennesdåvarande för mediedrevet hårt utsatta position. Syftet är att göra en genusanalys på hur uppdelatsamhället är efter kön. Genom att belysa de inslag i debatten som handlar om kvinnans roll i familjoch samhälle, visa på fundamentala skillnader i synen på kön och ansvar, i det att kvinnan oavsettarbetssituation fortfarande har ett huvudansvar för hem (reproduktion) medan mannens ansvar ärdet som ligger utanför hemmet (produktion). Även om mycket har förändrats i samhället så är detfortfarande mycket som är sig likt. Jag vill visa på att denna uppdelning i olika genus finns kvaräven för kvinnor som kan nå ända upp till den absoluta politiska toppen i vårt samhälle.Utöver detta visade det sig att feminister var oeniga om man borde stödja Sahlin över huvud taget;att få, som några menade, en kvinnofientlig politiker som Sahlin som statsminister skulle i än störreutsträckning leda till att jämlikhet ersattes med jämställdhet som politiskt mål, att orättvisornabegränsades till att kopplas till kön och lämna klassfrågan utanför. Risken fanns, menade man, attfeminismen skulle urholkas till medel- och överklasskvinnors rätt till städhjälp och högt uppsattaarbeten.Sahlinaffären blev ett hinder på Mona Sahlins väg till statsministerposten. Efter det mediedrev somdrogs i gång av kvällstidningarna sällade sig ett antal feminister till Sahlins försvar. Det är dessaförsvarstal och de svar på dessa inlägg som är analysmaterialet. Frågan som jag vill ställa är: vilkamodeller lägger företrädare för feminismen fram för att förklara Sahlins misstag samt hennesdåvarande för mediedrevet hårt utsatta position. Syftet är att göra en genusanalys på hur uppdelatsamhället är efter kön. Genom att belysa de inslag i debatten som handlar om kvinnans roll i familjoch samhälle, visa på fundamentala skillnader i synen på kön och ansvar, i det att kvinnan oavsettarbetssituation fortfarande har ett huvudansvar för hem (reproduktion) medan mannens ansvar ärdet som ligger utanför hemmet (produktion). Även om mycket har förändrats i samhället så är detfortfarande mycket som är sig likt. Jag vill visa på att denna uppdelning i olika genus finns kvaräven för kvinnor som kan nå ända upp till den absoluta politiska toppen i vårt samhälle.Utöver detta visade det sig att feminister var oeniga om man borde stödja Sahlin över huvud taget;att få, som några menade, en kvinnofientlig politiker som Sahlin som statsminister skulle i än störreutsträckning leda till att jämlikhet ersattes med jämställdhet som politiskt mål, att orättvisornabegränsades till att kopplas till kön och lämna klassfrågan utanför. Risken fanns, menade man, attfeminismen skulle urholkas till medel- och överklasskvinnors rätt till städhjälp och högt uppsatta arbeten.</p>