Reconhecendo que o discurso é um dos meios pelos quais a política se materializa, essa tese tem o objetivo de responder a seguinte questão: há indícios suficientes para afirmar que a comunicação parlamentar no âmbito da Câmara dos Deputados é governada pela relação governo-oposição, assim como constatado em sua atuação no processo decisório? Para respondê-la, foi feito o uso de técnicas computacionais e modelos estatísticos com a aplicação do expressed agenda model para análise do conteúdo de mais de 127 mil pronunciamentos realizados por mais de 2 mil oradores diferentes ao longo de mais de 15 anos de atividade parlamentar na Câmara dos Deputados. Com a apresentação de evidências robustas sobre a frequência dos discursos proferidos no Pequeno Expediente, a estratégia de concentração temática dos Deputados Federais e a ênfase por eles atribuída às agendas econômica e social, a resposta é que não. Há, na atividade parlamentar, muito mais do que a tarefa de produzir e aprovar leis. As conclusões apresentadas aprimoram o conhecimento a respeito do comportamento parlamentar no âmbito da Câmara dos Deputados e indicam a influência de outras variáveis sobre sua atuação como, por exemplo: a ideologia, o gênero, senioridade e a sua popularidade. / Recognizing that parliamentary speeches are one way in which politics is realized, this thesis aims to answer the following question: is there sufficient evidence to say that the parliamentary communication within the Chamber of Deputies is governed by the government-opposition relation, following conclusions about the decision-making process? To answer this question, I apply the expressed agenda model, computational techniques and statistical models over 127,000 speeches made by more than 2,000 different speakers in more than 15 years of parlamentary activity in the Chamber of Deputies. With robust evidence on the frequency of the speeches, thematic concentration and the expressed priorities between the emphasis attributed to economic and social agendas, the answer is no. The findings presented improve the knowledge about Brazilian parliamentary behavior and indicate the influence of other variables on its activities, for example: ideology, gender, seniority and popularity.

The purpose of “Alexandra Ocasio-Cortez: A Case Study of Social Media as an Agenda Setting Tool in the U.S. House of Representatives” is to explore the impact of a politician’s social media presence on agenda setting in Congress. It was born out of the research question, “how do freshman members of the House of Representatives seek power and influence in their first term?” I answer this using Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez as a case study, as she is a current freshman legislator with undeniable power and influence. I studied Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s tweets from two time periods: the month leading up to her election and her second month in office. I categorized and counted each tweet into 4 categories that yielded quantifiable results. Subsequently, I did a textual analysis of certain tweets from the two periods and explained their relevance to her shift in content and success as a public figure. I found that since being elected, the proportion of Rep. Ocasio-Cortez tweets about National issues increased by four times more than during her primary. Additionally, after being elected, her tweets about her District were proportionally one-fourth of they were during her primary campaign. I interpret this finding as Rep. Ocasio-Cortez’s efforts to influence the national agenda, a task rarely taken on by a freshman Representative. I also found that she had nearly doubled the proportion of tweets that fall under the Extraneous category, utilizing personal anecdotes, inspirational messages, feminist actions and insights, and calls for progressive leadership that connect with her audience and set her apart from strictly policy-oriented politician Twitter accounts. Altogether, I have analyzed Rep. Ocasio-Cortez’s Twitter presence and believe it to be a key element of her success in agenda setting as a freshman Congress member.

Reconhecendo que o discurso é um dos meios pelos quais a política se materializa, essa tese tem o objetivo de responder a seguinte questão: há indícios suficientes para afirmar que a comunicação parlamentar no âmbito da Câmara dos Deputados é governada pela relação governo-oposição, assim como constatado em sua atuação no processo decisório? Para respondê-la, foi feito o uso de técnicas computacionais e modelos estatísticos com a aplicação do expressed agenda model para análise do conteúdo de mais de 127 mil pronunciamentos realizados por mais de 2 mil oradores diferentes ao longo de mais de 15 anos de atividade parlamentar na Câmara dos Deputados. Com a apresentação de evidências robustas sobre a frequência dos discursos proferidos no Pequeno Expediente, a estratégia de concentração temática dos Deputados Federais e a ênfase por eles atribuída às agendas econômica e social, a resposta é que não. Há, na atividade parlamentar, muito mais do que a tarefa de produzir e aprovar leis. As conclusões apresentadas aprimoram o conhecimento a respeito do comportamento parlamentar no âmbito da Câmara dos Deputados e indicam a influência de outras variáveis sobre sua atuação como, por exemplo: a ideologia, o gênero, senioridade e a sua popularidade. / Recognizing that parliamentary speeches are one way in which politics is realized, this thesis aims to answer the following question: is there sufficient evidence to say that the parliamentary communication within the Chamber of Deputies is governed by the government-opposition relation, following conclusions about the decision-making process? To answer this question, I apply the expressed agenda model, computational techniques and statistical models over 127,000 speeches made by more than 2,000 different speakers in more than 15 years of parlamentary activity in the Chamber of Deputies. With robust evidence on the frequency of the speeches, thematic concentration and the expressed priorities between the emphasis attributed to economic and social agendas, the answer is no. The findings presented improve the knowledge about Brazilian parliamentary behavior and indicate the influence of other variables on its activities, for example: ideology, gender, seniority and popularity.

Submitted by Daniele Santos (danielesantos.htl@gmail.com) on 2015-12-22T14:11:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ashley.pdf: 3717036 bytes, checksum: fc187a3c5d98cd64509bdbad08f8362e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Janete de Oliveira Feitosa (janete.feitosa@fgv.br) on 2015-12-28T19:03:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Ashley.pdf: 3717036 bytes, checksum: fc187a3c5d98cd64509bdbad08f8362e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2016-01-06T17:42:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Ashley.pdf: 3717036 bytes, checksum: fc187a3c5d98cd64509bdbad08f8362e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-06T17:43:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ashley.pdf: 3717036 bytes, checksum: fc187a3c5d98cd64509bdbad08f8362e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-26 / Even though the term corporate inversion has been heard globally for decades, it has only become more prevalent in the United States during the past two years. This case study examines two United States companies that recently had very high profile and public corporate inversion experiences. Complicated tax laws and high tax rales have long eroded the ability of United States companies to remain competitive on a global scale. During the past two years, tax reform has been elevated to the Presidential and Congressional levei. Because these reform efforts have stalled, however, and in the constant search for ways to become more competitive and profitable, United States dorniciled companies have begun to more aggressively explore corporate inversion. This case study of Walgreens Alliance Boots and Mylan N.V., is undertaken because while the reasons to pursue a corporate inversion for both companies were very similar and done during the same time period, the internai process and final outcome were dramatically different. The other dynamic studied is the role both internai and externai politics had on these two cornpanies and how they influenced the decisions made by the executives. Lastly, the Obama Administration continues to threaten so called 'corporate America' to remain in the country through regulatory pressure, but this has not stopped companies frorn pursing corporate inversions. Legislatively, attempts at corporate tax reform, another way to encourage Untied States companies to remain, have also failed. I will not try to determine i f a corporate inversion is the right path for a company to take. I am examining how the rise o f the practice o f corporate inversions has been elevated in boardroorns, on Wall Street, in Congress and at the White House during the past two years.

No description available.

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Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.

Le Congrès des Etats-Unis est une institution méconnue, mal comprise et souvent dénigrée, y compris par ses propres membres. On le dit en crise, inadapté aux exigences du monde moderne. L’objectif est donc d’évaluer les forces et les faiblesses objectives du Congrès contemporain pour le réinsérer dans la dynamique des freins et contre-pouvoirs au coeur du système politique américain. La période retenue s’étale de la victoire des Républicains menés par Newt Gingrich en 1994 jusqu’aux élections de mi-mandat de 2006 et au retour des Démocrates.  De la présidence Clinton à Bush, ces douze années offrent un contexte institutionnel varié. Elles forment une trajectoire historique fascinante de la rhétorique révolutionnaire qui accompagne les victoires de 1994 à la résignation d’une défaite marquée par une certaine corruption institutionnelle, partisane et idéologique. Le cœur de notre étude vise à étudier les conséquences institutionnelles du retour à un équilibre partisan dans les deux chambres du Congrès. La compétition entre les deux partis a été accompagnée par la polarisation du système politique. Notre étude retrace les débuts de l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère sur la colline du Capitole. On cherchera à combiner une approche politique et institutionnelle en analysant plus particulièrement trois domaines de l’action politique particulièrement révélateurs: les finances via la procédure budgétaire, la réforme de l’Etat providence, et les relations avec le judiciaire via les nominations des Juges d’Appel fédéraux, lieu privilégié de frictions entre la Maison-Blanche et le Sénat. À cette perspective institutionnelle, il s’agira d’ajouter une étude sociologique de cohorte des membres du Congrès, nécessaire pour comprendre les ressorts de l’action institutionnelle.  Au-delà des membres de la chambre, l’étude d’une période dominée par le parti de l’éléphant nous permettra de plonger au cœur du mouvement conservateur. Après avoir présenté les racines historiques de l'idéologie conservatrice qui domine au sein du Parti républicain, il s'agira de révéler comment un mouvement contestataire a transformé l’institution du Congrès mais aussi comment l’institution a transformé le mouvement conservateur et le Parti républicain.  Dans un contexte international de renforcement du pouvoir exécutif, l’étude du Congrès doit permettre de redécouvrir certaines leçons sur les modalités de fonctionnement d’un système démocratique. Il s’agit de montrer qu'au-delà des questions techniques, des jeux de procédures obscures, dans la tension qui anime le Congrès, se joue l’avenir du concept de démocratie représentative ; de rétablir un certain équilibre dans la perception du système américain : système plus complexe qu’il n’apparaît dans les médias et même parfois la littérature. On ne peut se contenter d’étudier la présidence impériale sans prêter attention au vortex qui siège, toujours, au coeur de la constitution. Ainsi, sans  faire un panégyrique du pouvoir législatif, il s’agira de remettre en cause la tentation d’un Césarisme plus ou moins démocratique qui chercherait à faire du Congrès une chambre d’enregistrement des volontés de l’exécutif. / The United States Congress is often disparaged including by its own members. The critics of the institution decry the gridlock on Capitol Hill and Congress's alleged inability to deal with the challenges of the modern world. The unpopularity of today's Congress calls into question its ability to represent the American people. In that context it is necessary to try to assess whether or not Congress is truly dysfunctional. To that end, this study proposes to study a period of twelve years from 1994 to 2006 during which the Republican party dominated the institution. In 1994, under the leadership of Newt Gingrich, the Republicans returned to the majority in the House of Representatives for the first time in forty years. In 2006, after another midterm election, the Republican majorities in the House and the Senate were soundly defeated. Drawing on the long and tortuous history of the relationship between the Republican party and conservatism, the new majorities proposed large-scale change that amounted to a conservative revolution. They had initially laid out a clearly conservative agenda that insisted on balancing the budget and reducing the size of government. A detailed study of their fiscal policy and their attempts at entitlement reform over the period actually leads us to conclude that they eventually governed over ever larger deficits and a growing federal government whose policies were adjusted to favor different portions of the population. It is therefore necessary to try to account for the discrepancy between the initial goals and the eventual results. This entails studying first the evolution of the Republican members of Congress themselves to see whether the policy changes can be explained by the members becoming more moderate. Another explanation centers on the relationship between the members of the Congress and their constituents. The Republican majorities could have been forced to moderate their positions by the voters themselves in the elections of 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002 and 2004. Here the complex interplay that implies the interpretation of election results comes into play. Over the past decades, the American political system has been polarizing clearly. The growing ideological gap between the two parties and their bases calls into question the institutional stability of an institution built on the necessity to compromise. Especially since both parties have polarized while the margins of the majorities have grown more narrow. It is thus essential to look at the constraints set up by the institutional system. The arcane nuances of the legislative process directly impinges on the content of legislation. Indeed, if the majority rules decisively over the House of Representatives, in the Senate, the minority can very easily block most initiatives. The growing recourse to procedural shortcuts offered by the budget process is a testament to that fact.Finally, the relationship with the president of the United States is very much a factor in the equation. The twelve years of Republican domination in Congress covers two very different periods. Until January 2001, they had to battle with President Clinton in a context of divided government. Following George W. Bush's election in 2000, they started working under the command of the White House. The stark contrast in the way Senate republicans dealt with the two presidents when it came to their judicial nominees for the Federal Courts of Appeal offers an excellent opportunity to evaluate the continuing yet variable strength of the system of checks and balances set up by the U.S. Constitution. A deeper understanding of the workings of the contemporary Congress might allow for a more nuanced vision of the institution as much more than a roadblock on the road of presidential leadership and, perhaps, lead to a better appreciation of the way its members are trying or failing to fulfill their constitutional duty.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Luiz dos Santos Freitas.pdf: 1729230 bytes, checksum: e7d679f4e2631e15354d1871185a9c39 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-20 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Amazonas / As a means to recover the political trajectory of Rio Negro at the moment its juridical status was elevated from Captaincy to Province, this work focuses on the rivalries and political clashes between local and Pará authorities around the debates on their autonomy. After the country´s independence, Rio Negro has lost its status as a province. Thus, the study sought to bring about the long process for the establishment of Amazonas Province. In addition to the core issue, the survey provided a glimpse of absence of the stresses occurring in the Amazon region and conflicts fought in the House of Representatives (Câmara dos Deputados) for the political emancipation of Rio Negro in the regional historiography, which led to the creation of the province of Amazonas. The analysis of these struggles for Rio Negro autonomy, took into account the economic and geopolitical issues faced by regional and national authorities. Overall, this study aimed at bringing out the history of the political constitution of the state of Amazonas, often viewed as expendable if compared to subjects considered as most needed in the context of a globalized world. It is understood that the political constitution of a territory does not guarantee any of its inhabitants´ access legal, economic and political benefits, which have come out of such new order. However, autonomy is the first step towards a new beginning / Recuperando a trajetória política do Rio Negro no momento em que seu status jurídico passou de capitania à província, esta dissertação enfoca as rivalidades e embates políticos entre as autoridades locais e as do Pará em torno dos debates sobre sua autonomia. Após a Independência do país, o Rio Negro perdeu sua condição de província. Assim, o trabalho buscou trazer a tona o longo processo para o estabelecimento da Província do Amazonas. Para além da questão central, a pesquisa propiciou o vislumbre da ausência, na historiografia regional, das tensões ocorridas na região amazônica e dos embates travados na Câmara dos Deputados pela emancipação política do Rio Negro, que deu origem à Província do Amazonas. A análise desses embates pela autonomia rio-negrense levou em consideração as problemáticas econômicas e geopolíticas enfrentadas pelas autoridades regionais e nacionais. No conjunto, esta pesquisa objetivou trazer à tona a história da constituição política do Amazonas, geralmente vista como dispensável diante de temas considerados mais necessários na conjuntura de um mundo globalizado. Entende-se que a constituição política de um território não garanta, a nenhum de seus habitantes, o acesso aos benefícios políticos, jurídicos e econômicos provenientes dessa nova ordenação. Contudo, a autonomia é o primeiro passo para um novo começo

This thesis contributes to the burgeoning field of the history of sexuality in New Zealand and seeks to distill the more theorised and reflexive understanding of the subjectively understood queer male identity since 1948. Emerging from the disciplines of History and English, this project draws from a range of narratological materials: parliamentary debates contained in Hansard, and novels and short stories written by men with publicly avowed queer identities. This thesis explores how both 'normative' identity and the category of 'the homosexual' were constructed and mobilised in the public domain, in this case, the House of Representatives. It shows that members of the House have engaged with an extensive tradition of defining and excluding; a process by which state and public discourses have constructed largely unified, negative and othering narratives of 'the homosexual'. This constitutes an overarching narrative of queer experience which, until the mid-1990s, excluded queer subjects from its construction. At the same time, fictional narratives offer an adjacent body of knowledge and thought for queer men and women. This thesis posits literature's position as an important and productive space for queer resistance and critique. Such texts typically engage with and subvert 'dominant' or 'normative' understandings of sexuality and disturb efforts to apprehend precise or linear histories of 'gay liberation' and 'gay consciousness'. Drawing from the works of Frank Sargeson, James Courage, Bill Pearson, Noel Virtue, Stevan Eldred-Grigg, and Peter Wells, this thesis argues for a revaluing of fictional narratives as active texts from which historians can construct a matrix of cultural experience, while allowing for, and explaining, the determining role such narratives play in the discursively constructed understandings of gender and sexuality in New Zealand.